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tems of law, facit per alios facit per se, does not apply to international relations, because international relations still carry the taints of unmoral precedents and piratical plunder.
"The true end of every great and free people should be selfrespecting peace. * * Probably no other great nation of the world is so anxious for peace as we are." These are the sentiments of President Roosevelt in his message to the Fiftyseventh Congress. The argument that war will kill war is about as sane as to claim that contagion will cure disease. The best guaranty for peace is peace, and the very fact that behind the world's diplomacy stand ever open the doors of the Hague Tribunal, whose permanent mission-the peaceful adjustment of international differences—cannot fail to have an ever-increasing voice in the chancelries of nations and in elevating the international morality of the civilized countries of the world.
How much good it does the speaker when he has to stand up and bow (this was said apropos of Mr. Straus' being compelled to bow in response to the applause which followed his address).
Now, Ladies and Gentlemen, we are to hear from Professor Münsterberg, whose writings most of you are familiar with. He comes to-night to address us, and give us the German view of things.
He is to be followed by Dr. Richard, the first President of a Peace Society in New York-the German Peace Society. We shall hear from Professor Münsterberg of Harvard University.
Germany: a Land of Peace and Industry
PROFESSOR HUGO MÜNSTERBERG
MR. PRESIDENT, LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: Your Congress has honored me with a generous invitation to express the hope for peace from a German point of view. Yet the leaders of the great Congress know that I am in no sense a delegate of the German government or of the German nation; that I can speak only as one of the masses and, moreover, as one who for the larger part of the year is separated by the ocean from his Fatherland. But I suppose you made this selection because my professional work belongs to philosophy and I ought therefore to be influenced by the spirit of the greatest German in the two thousand
years of German history, the philosopher Immanuel Kant. Kant's book on "The Eternal Peace"-I do not forget, Mr. President, that there was not a little Scotch blood in his veins-is indeed the profoundest argument which has been brought forward for the harmony of nations; and his postulates, of which the entire abolition of standing armies is only one, are deduced from the supreme principle of eternal justice. And this spirit of Kant, this belief in justice, and this abhorrence of immoral wars, is still to-day a deep emotion of the German people. Every movement which strengthens moral peace on earth, therefore, finds in us Germans willing friends and supporters.
But to support a movement ought to mean, first of all, to remove from it all misunderstandings and all illusions, inasmuch as every illusion must ultimately work as an obstacle to real progress. I therefore feel it is my duty to point first to some mistaken arguments by which the missionaries of the peace movement too often weaken their influence on the German nation. I know, of course, that every word of this kind must be unpopular; yet I say it frankly at once: the German army is not felt by the nation as a disagreeable burden. On the contrary, the years in the army constitute a national school time which keeps body and soul in strength and vigor. The years in the army are a time of pride for the overwhelming mass of the German people. In the same way, it is not true that the material sacrifice has become too exorbitant. Germany is prosperous to-day and the expenses of the army are felt by the nation hardly more than fire insurance is felt by a good householder. Nor does the time lost through the years of service much impair the national economy in a country whose population grows so rapidly. And even if it ever came to war, the mere question of loss of property and life would not count overmuch. Disease and even recklessness kill many more in the midst of hopeful life. American railroads have brought more avoidable injury and death than American cannons, and the progress of German pathology through the work of Virchow, Koch, Behring, etc., has saved more lives than the avoidance of the last wars could have done.
Such materialistic arguments must remain ever ineffective if the core of the German nation is to be reached. For the best Germans it is entirely a moral question, as it was with Kant. But just therefore it is impossible for the German to say that
war is the worst evil under all circumstances. Immanuel Kant had no more idealistic apostles than Schiller and Fichte. But it was Fichte, more than any one, who, by his orations to the German nation, stirred his countrymen to the war which liberated the indignant people from the humiliation of Napoleon's yoke; and Schiller cried unto the soul of every German youth: Infamous the nation which does not sacrifice everything for her moral integrity. To the German, war seems like a disease which threatens life, but with Schiller, he feels that life is not the greatest of all good, and that the greatest of all evils is unrighteousness If these idealistic convictions of the German soul were better understood, the friends of peace would be much better able to put the lever on the right spot instead of losing ground by useless appeals to merely utilitarian motives.
But just because war and peace are for the soul of the German nation first of all an ethical problem, it is utterly absurd to be suspicious of German motives and to look to Germany as a possible source of danger to the peace of the world. Mr. President, I do not hesitate to claim that there is no firmer bulwark of peace than the good will and sincerity of the whole German nation, and there is no more reckless and more inexcusable menace to peace than the foolish denunciation of German motives which abounds in the newspapers and assemblies of many lands, and of America not least. Unfair rumors are easily started, and denials follow slowly and clumsily; Mr. President, we need a simplified denying board. I said the central motive of Germany's desire not to disturb the peace is her strong will for righteousness; but let us not forget that even if that were lacking there is nothing which might spur the German mind to an avoidable war. The Latin temperament is easily excited, but the German is phlegmatic; the Anglo-Saxon temperament likes betting and sport and seeks to outdo a rival, but the quiet Germans prefer to do the good things for their own sake. There may be peoples which need war to overcome internal troubles, but the German inner life is prosperous and harmonious: there may be peoples which seek war for expansion, but the Germans have large colonies, the building up of which is still to do and occupies them fully. The whole national life is adjusted to assiduous labor which needs the repose of peace. Commerce and industry, science and art, law and religion, inner freedom
and social harmonization engage the German mind to-day more earnestly and intensely than ever before; its inner and outer development were never before moving on in such a wonderful rhythm; there is the one need only, to be left in the sunshine of peace. And whoever has the hallucination of secret disturbing plans brooding in Germany falsifies history and endangers the future.
It does not follow that everyone in Germany is enthusiastic over every scheme of arbitration, although the movement for international arbitration has a daily growing body of warm supporters in Germany. There lurks still the instinctive feeling in some German quarters that it is impossible to give an international court the same degree of impartiality which we expect from a civil judge; the interests of all nations are too much interwoven; the judge is always to a certain degree, a party. The forcing of the issue to arbitration sometimes suggests, therefore, the suspicion of selfish politics. Not everybody desires, moreover, for patriotic conflicts the arts of wrangling attorneys and of dissenting experts who may have to decide whether or not there was a national brain storm going on. The Germans feel, therefore, that there is one way still better than to arbitrate in quarrels, namely, to avoid quarrels from the start.
Do not German tariff negotiations with the United States testify to this point? Yes, does not history show it everywhere with proud and blessed results? If we look back over the last third of a century, we see great and minor wars. England, Russia, Turkey, Italy, Spain, France, Japan, China, even America, had wars, but the German nation went quietly along in peace. And the spirit of this new Germany which longs to work and not to quarrel, has found its highest symbol in the genius on the Empire's throne. How did the prejudices of the world denounce him as the war lord of our time, and how has he shown in firmness and strength that his reign is the most powerful influence for peace and international friendship! This country knows the story; this country knows how the Emperor sent here his brother and his friends, sent scholars and artists, sent sporting yachts, and museum treasures, and a warship only to go to the peaceful celebration of Jamestown. It is high time to drown the wicked prejudices; if the world could see at last the true spirit of Germany, freed from all willful distortion, a mighty step forward
would be secured in your holy movement. Yes, if a sculptor were to create to-day a statue of the Goddess of Peace, he might safely choose as his model fair Germania, with the Emperor's crown on her head, with a pure sword in her hand, and with mild eyes calmly looking on a serious yet happy nation of laborers who work for the eternal good of peaceful civilization.
I had occasion this afternoon to call attention to the fact which the Professor referred to just now, that the Emperor had been on the throne nearly twenty years yet his hands were guiltless of human blood.
With much that he has said, of course, I am in full accord, because I have tried my best in writing to Great Britain to convince them that they were most unjust to Germany and to her Emperor. I believe he is a son of destiny; that he has it in his power to-day to bring Peace upon earth. His sin may be the sin of omission if he does not exert that power. Let the German Emperor to-day say to Britain, to France, to America: "Come, let us declare to the world that nations are interdependent and rapidly becoming more so. No nation has the right to disturb the general peace of the world, in which every nation is more or less concerned."
Should the German Emperor say that, we could repeat what we did in China when a German general led the forces of six great nations to accomplish a successful mission. The easiest and best way of accomplishing Peace on earth is to have an international police force to be used as the last resort. The nation which breaks the Peace would then be punished.
I have heard Professor Münsterberg make the most extraordinary statement that I have heard for a long time: that conscription in Germany was not regarded as a great burden. I should like to have the gentleman visit our mills in Pittsburg and ask thousands and thousands of Germans what influenced them to leave Germany for this land. (Patting Professor Münsterberg on the shoulder.) (Applause.)
I had in the beginning a German partner—I have had many German partners and several of them are millionaires to-dayand I have asked them and also the men in the mills: "What made you leave Germany?" and they have answered: "Mr.