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impossible the following year, it is not difficult to believe that large interests now intensely bitter against the Administration should be planning to prevent a Roosevelt man from succeeding Mr. Roosevelt.

can leaders are not professing popular views in the open while playing the corporation game behind the scenes. Nobody can object to an anti-Administration movement, so long as it expresses itself openly and fearlessly and uses proper methods.

The President's able secretary, Publicity Wanted in the Hon. William Loeb, Jr., was Politics. credited with having brought to light certain facts regarding the "millionaires' anti-Roosevelt movement "; and Senator Penrose, of Pennsylvania, head of the Republican organization of that State, was also said to have had some part, whether intentional or not, in bringing this interesting political movement to the light of day. It is unquestionably the right of rich men as well as poor men to take part in politics; and it is not to be expected that they should wholly forget their private interests. The American people, however, like to see the game of politics played in an open, above-board manner. They do not like a political scheme with secret organization, supported by unlimited money to be used in ways no longer regarded as legitimate. It is highly proper that every movement of this kind should be dragged ruthlessly to the light. The people of the country have now been placed on their guard, and they are likely to see that local Republi


It is to be remarked in passing, President's however, that the open and frank Popularity. enemies of the Administration do not seem to be making much progress. At a dinner, given by the Bryan Anniversary Club, at Chattanooga, on April 10, in honor of Mr. William Jennings Bryan, Mr. John Temple Graves, a well-known editor and orator of Georgia, suggested that the proper thing in the next Democratic national convention would be for Mr. Bryan to move the nomination of Mr. Roosevelt by acclamation as the Democratic candidate. Mr. Bryan declared that "as at present advised " he would not propose such a nomination. There is a phase of humor in the complaint of leading Democratic politicians everywhere that Mr. Roosevelt is constantly proclaiming and putting into effect policies that by right belong to the opposition party. The fact is that the masses of people in both parties are in unusual accord with the general attitude of the Administration. The parties as great

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In order that Mr. Taft may come before the convention with due prestige, it is regarded as desirable that he should have the support of the Republicans of his own State of Ohio. Mr. Taft has been too busy since he left the bench at Mr. McKinley's request and became Governor of the Philippines to give any attention to the building up of a political support at home. Senators Dick and Foraker have been the leaders of the party organization in Ohio. Mr. Foraker is a candidate

for re-election to the Senate, and some people have mentioned him as a possible candidate for the Presidency. Upon several important subjects Senator Foraker has opposed the policies of the Administration, and he began to make a round of speeches last month which is looked upon as the beginning of a determined effort to test the relative strength and popularity of candidates and issues among the Republican voters of the Buckeye State. Mr. Foraker is a very able and brilliant debater, and a man of great experience in political campaigning. Mr. Taft, on the other hand, with the undoubted moral support of the President behind him, and with his home movement in the hands of capable organizers, will show no small measure of strength. It has long been known that Mr. Taft's personal preference was to return to the federal bench, but all present indications are that he will be led by his friends and supporters into the Presidential race. Mr. Root, the distinguished Secretary of State, has qualifications of the highest order for the Presidential office; but it is not deemed likely that he will be urged as a candidate. It is thought that. circumstances might arise which would give strength to a movement for Governor Hughes, of New York. The Vice-President, Mr. Fairbanks, of Indiana, is a recognized candidate, and it has been reported that the anti-Roosevelt interests would be ready to give him their support. Mr. Fairbanks, however, professes to be in general accord with the aims and policies of the Administration. The Hon. Leslie M. Shaw, who has become president of the Carnegie Trust Company, in New York City, is now less likely than Governor Cummins to appear as Iowa's candidate in the "favorite-son" list. The Speaker of the House, Mr. Cannon, is likely to receive a complimentary ballot or two from the Illinois delegation.


Mr. Bryan and the

As the discussion of pending questions goes forward, there is a Railroads. striking tendency toward approximation of views. Mr. Bryan is regarded as having made a change in his treatment of the railroad question from the practical standpoint. He still expounds the theory of national ownership and operation for great. trunk lines, with the several States owning and operating the connecting networks of smaller roads. But whereas when he first returned from Europe he was,-as the country supposed,-bringing forward Government ownership as a policy of practical


statesmanship, he is now talking of it as an ultimate possibility. He admits that the people of the country do not support the idea of Government railways, and knows that the Democratic leaders would not be willing to make a campaign on that issue. He explains that his Madison Square Garden speech did not discuss Government ownership as an immediate issue, but as an ultimate solution of the controversy." He has gone over the ground again in a very interesting letter published in the Wall Street Journal early last month. Whether or not one may agree with Mr. Bryan's views, it is a pleasure to commend his practice of speaking out and bringing his ideas before the country. He is right in saying that we are not at the end of railroad development in this country, but rather at its beginning. He is also right as a public man in putting the chief stress upon the public function of the railroads. His recent letter takes a very moderate tone, and holds that if a change should be made from private to public ownership, it must necessarily be slow.


It is also fair to say that Mr. Nobody 18 Bryan has no more notion of conConfiscatory. fiscating private railroad property in the process of setting the Government up in that line of business than Mr. Roosevelt has of depriving the roads of their proper earning power by an arbitrary system of regulating their rates. The thrifty and propertyrespecting people of Switzerland several years ago decided to make the railroads a government department, and accordingly bought out the private owners. But no one could accuse them of having committed any act of confiscation. It is fortunate that the supporters of Mr. Bryan, as well as those of Mr. Roosevelt, are in no attitude of unfair hostility toward the present owners of railroad property. We beg to add, however, that the forbearance of the people is a marvelous thing. We have passed through a period of colossal railroad development, in the course of which the railroads have in almost every State in the Union usurped political power and exercised HON. WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN. FROM A NEW it selfishly and corruptly. It is the railroad companies, and the most famous and respectable of them, too,-that have in years past been the leaders in this practice of controlling State politics; and it is these very railroad companies that have taught the localservice corporations how to play the same sort of political game. The people of the country have rebelled against this control of


high officers and lawmaking bodies by the rich corporations; and although the people's victory is not yet complete, it is pretty well assured. We have now a body of governors in a large number of the States who are men of remarkable ability and strength of character and who stand for freedom from cor

poration control. The wonderful thing is management of railroads has become in that there is so little of the spirit of wrath and vengeance exhibited in the utterances and policies of these popular leaders. It is true that Wall Street in every way is trying to make the country believe that the President is opposed to a fair treatment of the corporations. But the country merely laughs at Wall Street's fatuity. As to the States, their accomplished or pending railway measures are not as a rule unjust or severe. Many of them have established a 2-cent rate per mile for passengers, the effect of which will be somewhat experimental. It is not too low a rate for main lines; and as for branch lines, it remains to be seen how much the lower rate will increase the number of people who ride..

The Demand for Railroad Efficiency.

comparison with the management of many. of our large industrial establishments. Responsibility is unduly placed upon underpaid and incompetent men, and those who are highly paid and competent are frequently remote from the scene of actual operation. The crying need of our railroads is a radical reform in the whole theory and practice of their higher administration. They have to an increasing extent grown into the mistaken plan of filling their boards of directors with Wall-Street bankers and men of enormous wealth who have a multitude of interests, each one of whom has a set of his own business concerns more important and absorbing to him than his actual interest in the particular railroad company in question.

Who Do
Not Direct.

As a rule, the States are going very cautiously in the matter of Directors attempting to force down the general level of freight rates. They are. perceiving that the thing needed is an increase of efficiency. The roads are now as a rule badly administered; and the crying need is for order, method, and brains in the details of railroad operation. A large part of the traffic congestion has been due to sheer failure on the part of the railroad managers to employ competent men at reasonable salaries. These are no mere random accusations. Instances are constantly presenting themselves which show how ineffective the


The so-called "community of interest" plan has led to the placing of a number of the same men of wealth upon the boards of several great railroad systems. These men can by no possibility give their real attention to the pressing business that belongs by right to the board of directors. Yet they do not give sufficient authority to the practical men charged with the actual work of running the road to make it possible to fix responsibility for the growing slovenliness that results in accidents and that is making American railroading a disgrace, whereas it was once a great credit to the country. It is absolutely impossible, in some of our great railroad systems, to get the most obvious and necessary matters of business attended to, for the reason that the officials in charge are obliged to refer them to the board of directors, and it is never possible to get a board of directors to pass promptly upon such matters. Affairs of a kind that would be acted upon and settled by the Standard Oil Company on a week's notice cannot be settled by the New York Central Railroad Company inside of two years. This is not said to the disparagement of many excellent and hardworking officials connected with the railroad company. It is a criticism upon a bad



A System that Needs Reforming.

The board of directors of the New York Central Railroad Company, for example, ought to be in session every business day, working ex

UNCLE SAM : It's no longer a case of the tail tremely hard to earn good salaries, with no

wagging the dog,-that's certain.

From the Journal (Minneapolis).

other business interests to occupy them; and they should be held responsible in the


This is wrong



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