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hundred millions a year now on the army and navy in excess of what we spent in 1898. They may comment on that, and yet we need not be surprised to find that our President is spoken of the world around as a Peace-maker and that our nation is recognized as a leader in this effort to bring about Peace.

I admit that there are some seeming inconsistencies (laughter and applause) not only in other countries, but in our country as well; and yet, my friends, I long since learned that inconsistencies are to be expected. I am not kept out of a Christian church because Christians live lives inconsistent with the Christian religion. I expect that Christians will fall below the ideal presented by the Man of Galilee, for it is the glory of the Christian ideal that, while it is within sight of the weakest and the lowest, it is yet so high that the best and the noblest are kept with their faces turned ever upward. (Applause.) And the Christian civilization is the greatest that the world has known because it rests upon a conception of life that makes life one unending struggle for better things, with no limit to human progress. (Applause.) We must always expect that a high ideal will be beyond the hope of realization. Ask a mother who holds in her arms her baby boy what her desire is concerning him, and she will tell you that she desires that his heart shall be so pure that it can be laid upon a pillow and not leave a stain; that his ambitions shall be so holy that he could whisper them in an angel's ear; and that his life shall be so clean that his mother, his wife, his child, might read the record of his every thought and act without a blush; but ask her if she expects him to realize that hope, and she will answer no. She will tell you she will make him as good as she can, that wherever he wanders throughout the world she will follow his every footstep with a daily prayer, and that when he dies she will hope, hope, yes, hope, that the world, at least, will be the better because he has lived. (Applause.)

That is all we can do, any of us.

Someone has said that

we live in the ideal but that we work in the real. And so we must not be surprised if some of us will have hopes for Peace that even this Congress will not be willing to endorse.

We need not be disappointed if some of the resolutions passed by this Congress are in advance of what our nation would propose. We need not be surprised if our nation proposes

things that other nations will not agree to. Cherishing our ideals, we must do the best we can with the material we have at hand, and having gained one step, we must stand there until we can take another step. Thus has all progress been made.

Three-quarters of a century before Emancipation Thomas Jefferson, looking into the future, said that nothing was more certain than that the slaves would be free. Abraham Lincoln (applause) only five years and a little more before the Emancipation Proclamation, could say no more than that he hoped to see slavery, not immediately abolished, but in process of ultimate extinction. Thus we have had to work our way along, and this Congress is trying to do what it can; it must harmonize differences of opinion, for, my friends, you cannot expect that people will think alike, if they think at all. (Laughter.) When you find people who have no differences you will find people who have no thought. (Applause.) It is easy enough for a man to have a harmonious party when he is the only member of it; but he must expect friction if he permits anybody else to claim the same party name that he has. Progress comes not alone from the extreme; it results from a series of compromises among those who want progress but are not able to agree upon all that is proposed.

Now, there are several things in these resolutions that I might call attention to, but time does not permit; and there are some things not in the resolutions that I would be glad to see in them.

One of these things is the making of money contraband of war like powder and lead. There is nothing logical in saying that a neutral nation shall not furnish powder and shot but shall furnish the money or may furnish the money with which to buy the powder and the shot. (Applause.) I hope the time will come when we shall be able to include money as contraband of war and thus make it impossible for the citizens of a neutral nation to grow rich by encouraging wars between other nations. (Applause.)

Another thing for which I hope very much is the organization of a permanent tribunal that will hold stated sessions so that the convening of the body will not depend upon the initiative of any nation. It might be invoked, under conditions, in extraordinary session; but as our Congress and our State Legislatures

meet at stated times, I believe that this great International Tribunal should meet at stated times and be prepared to consider all questions that may be brought before it by the nations of the world. (Applause.)

Another thing that I think is in the interest of Peace is the neutralization of territory. I believe that the more we can get nations to agree between themselves that the independence of the smaller states shall be respected, the further off we will push the war area (applause); but I think the measure in which I have most faith is the measure that has been endorsed in the resolutions adopted here. Let me read it to you: "Resolved: that the Congress records its endorsement of resolutions adopted by the Interparliamentary Union at its conference last July, that in case of disputes arising between nations which it may not be possible to embrace within the terms of an arbitration convention, the disputing parties before resorting to force, shall always invoke the services of an International Commission of Inquiry or the mediation of one or more friendly powers."

I believe there is in that resolution the germ of more progress in the direction of Peace than there is in any arbitration treaty that was ever written. The trouble with our arbitration treaties is that they do not include the most important questions; and however much we may desire the coming of the time when all questions may be submitted to arbitration we should not wait for that time. I believe that if we can secure the insertion in our treaties of such an agreement as is here proposed, so that before there is war, before hostilities commence, there shall be an impartial investigation of the matters in dispute by an international commission. If we can secure this, I believe that in nine cases out of ten there will be no war. (Applause.)

There are two reasons that I may suggest in support of this resolution: In the first place, it gives time for reflection, time for thought, as well as time for investigation; and I need not tell you that man calm is an entirely different animal from man excited. When man is excited he swaggers around and tells you what he can do; when he is calm he tries to find out what he ought to do. When he is excited the brute instinct prevails; when he is calm, the conscience restrains. Investigation gives time for people to think, and it gives time for the cultivation of a public sentiment that will operate on those in whose hands are

the destinies of nations; and as intelligence increases, as information is spread more rapidly, that time becomes more valuable and, I believe, my friends, that if we can secure investigations which will give time for the best living people to express themselves and to exert themselves, we shall almost eliminate war as a possibility. (Applause.)

More than that, investigation enables us to separate misunderstandings from differences, and we all know that between nations as between individuals the greatest difficulty comes from misunderstanding. How many wars can you recall where there was a distinct statement of the causes of difference before the war commenced? How many wars can you recall in which each side did not insist that it was a defensive warfare and that the other party was the attacking party? Have an investigation and let these investigations separate the misunderstandings from the differences and when you have eliminated the misunderstandings you can settle the differences without resort to arms.

What objection can be made? I know of but one,-well, I might suggest two. The first objection is that there might be a reason for war that the nation would not be willing to disclose; but, if there is a nation that wants to go to war for a reason that it is unwilling to disclose, the greater reason why the cause should be made known, that the contempt of the world might be turned upon such a nation. (Applause.)

The other reason is that a question may arise so important that you ought to commence shooting each other before you find out what you are shooting about. (Laughter and applause.) But I am satisfied that no intelligent man will present that objection to this plan. Human life is too sacred a thing to commence taking before you have resorted to all possible means to avoid it; and if this Congress does nothing else, I am glad that it has the courage to record itself on this proposition, that the killing of human beings shall not be commenced by any nation until the world knows what crime has been committed that requires so high a penalty. (Applause.)

One of the objects of this Congress is to cultivate a sentiment that will advance Peace, and one of the things I think we should try to cultivate is the idea that it is not necessary for a man to die on the battlefield in order to be

a patriot. (Applause.) Whatever may have been the case in times past, it is not now true that a man's patriotism must rest under suspicion until he has shouldered a gun and taken a human life, and this Congress will, in my judgment, not do its duty unless it impresses upon the world that it is as glorious for a man to live for his country as to die for it.

Then, too, I believe this Congress ought to present the thought that there is a stronger power in this world than violence and physical force. (Applause.) There is a growing conviction that love is greater than force.

In this very city I heard a sermon a few years ago in which the minister, Dr. Parkhurst, drew a contract between force and love. He said the hammer represented force, that with the hammer you could break a piece of ice in a thousand pieces, but that each piece would still be ice; but that if you would allow a ray of sunshine to fall upon that block of ice, acting silently and slowly, it would at last melt the ice and there would be ice no more. (Applause.) And so, my friends, while I am glad to have the Peace Movement supported from every source I expect most of the progress to come from the direction of love, and not from the direction of violence. If you tell me that you can promote Peace by building navies so large that the world will be scared into Peace, I tell you I prefer that the world shall be loved into Peace and that affection shall bind us together.

In Paris there is a magnificent tomb erected in honor of a great warrior. You enter the building, and if you have been thoughtless enough not to uncover your head the guard tells you that the hat cannot be worn. You walk around and examine the standards there, you see the names of the battles that he won and, leaning over the balustrade, you look down upon a great sarcophagus where at last rests the body of that past master in the art of slaughter. When I was starting for France I went to a bookstore in this city and secured a copy of what Ingersoll said at the tomb of Napoleon. I thought it was a beautiful thing and I took it with me and I thought that when I had to write a description of that tomb, I would quote these words that I read in my youth and have often recalled since; but when I visited the tomb something impressed me even more than the words of Ingersoll; for, after looking over at that sarcophagus, my eyes rested upon a crucifix above and just beyond, and I saw one of

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