The deceits of the world and the general depravity of mankind present a scene of gloom which no ray of hope illumines. The only peace for the soul is in resignation. "Must helpless man, in ignorance sedate, Roll darkling down the torrent of his fate? No cries evoke the mercies of the skies? Which heaven may hear, nor deem religion vain. But leave to heaven the measure and the choice." Then as now the existence of corruption was the theme of an insincere party recrimination. Says Macaulay: "The outs were constantly talking in magnificent language about tyranny, corruption, wicked ministers, servile courtiers, the liberty of Englishmen, the great charter, the rights for which the fathers bled. They excited a vague craving for change by which they profited for a single moment, and of which, as they well deserved, they were soon the victims." Even in particular details there are striking resemblances of practical politics between that age and our own. "The undertakers" who figured prominently in the government of Ireland had political functions like those of our bosses. Mr. Lecky describes them as great Irish borough owners "who, in consideration of a large share of the patronage of the crown, 'undertook' to carry the king's business through (the Irish) Parliament." In other words, the method was that of boss rule founded on the spoils system. Mr. Lecky remarks that "more corruption was employed to overturn their ascendency than had ever been required to maintain it," and he thinks that "the formation of a connected influence . . . binding many isolated and individual interests into a coherent and powerful organization, was a real step towards parliamentary government.' Disgust and irritation at the degradation and corruption of politics produced phases of public sentiment like those with which we are familiar. Non-partisanship was continually preached. Honest men should "enter into an association for the support of one another against the endeavors of those whom they ought to look upon as their common enemies, whatsoever side they may belong to. Were there such an honest body of neutral forces, we should never see the worst of men in the great figures of life, because they are useful to a party; nor the best unregarded because they are above practising those methods which would be grateful to their factions. We should then single every criminal out of the herd and hunt him down, however formidable and overgrown he might appear." This is not an extract from a recent appeal to the public in behalf of the formation of good gov 1 Lecky's History of England, Vol. II., p. 443; Vol. IV., pp. 383-384. ernment clubs, but is an extract from Addison, in the Spectator, No. 125, Tuesday, July 24, 1711. A memorable experiment of this sort was made. The revolt against Walpole was a magnificent independent movement. Whigs and Tories coalesced to overthrow corruption. All the leading men of letters supported the movement. Macaulay said, "The downfall of Walpole was to be the beginning of a political millennium; and every enthusiast had figured to himself that millennium according to his own wishes." Akenside's best poem was called forth by this movement, and, expatiating upon what was to be expected from the overthrow of the great master of corruption, he exclaimed: "See private life by wisest arts reclaimed, See ardent youth to noblest manners framed." The victory of the Patriots, as they were called, was not only complete, but the man who was raised to power in Walpole's place realized in his conduct their professions of contempt for Walpole's methods. Carteret despised office-mongering and would have nothing to do with it. He neglected, says Macaulay, "all those means by which the power of Walpole had been created and maintained." Chief-Justice Willes once went to him to beg some office for a friend. Carteret replied that he was too much occupied with Continental politics to think about the disposal of places and benefices. "You may rely on it, then," said the justice, "that people who want places and benefices will go to those who have more leisure." 1 The prediction was fulfilled. Carteret's parliamentary support fell away, and before long he had to retire from an office in which he could not sustain himself. With Walpole's downfall had disappeared the sole point of policy on which the Patriots were united. To form an efficient administration, party connection had to be established, and for this purpose the usual arts of political management were found necessary. The nation soon found that a change of men had made no change of method. The popular disgust was intense. The very name of Patriot became a by-word. Samuel Johnson was so completely cured of enthusiasm that he declared that patriotism was the last refuge of a scoundrel. Still another phase of popular sentiment in our own times that has its prototype in English politics of the eighteenth century is that which may be described as the Messianic hope of politics expectation of the advent of some strong deliverer. The ideal president or governor who rises superior to party, and calls all good citizens to his support, is Bolingbroke's "Patriot King” in republican dress. Although the political philosophy of Bolingbroke is long since obsolete, it powerfully impressed the thought of his age and was in high repute with the fathers of the republic. There was nothing servile 1 Macaulay's Essay on Horace Walpole. in Bolingbroke's attitude towards kingship. He ridiculed the idea that a king ruled by divine right, and, laying down the principle that "the ultimate end of all governments is the good of the people,' he upheld monarchy as the most feasible system by which social order might be preserved and civil liberty protected. The great advantage which monarchical government possessed over every other kind of government was its power of reform by the accession of a patriot king. "A corrupt commonwealth remains without remedy, though all the orders and forms of it subsist; a free monarchical government cannot remain absolutely so, so long as the orders and forms of the constitution subsist." He based this opinion on the ground that no matter how bad public men may have become, the king in the normal exercise of his sovereignty can elevate the standard of public service so that every part of the constitution will experience a purgation which will restore it to its proper functions. "By rendering public virtue and real capacity the sole means of acquiring any degree of power or profit in the state, he will set the passions of their hearts on the side of liberty and good government." The essential thing was to uproot partisanship. "To espouse no party, but to govern like the common father of his people, is so essential to the character of a patriot king that he who does otherwise forfeits the title. . . . Instead of abetting the divisions of his people, he |