ism shall combine to inspire the soul with a sense of the presence of the One who said, "Be ye perfect, even as your Father in heaven is perfect." The arts have produced some of these things in the past, but they have been for the few, for kings and priests, for the rich and powerful, and for those who might make it possible to have and to hold for a time the good things of life. The arts have never had the chance to produce for the sovereign people. Nor will they have that chance until war shall be no more. With the dawn of Universal Peace the arts will come to their own, and every vision of every artist and every skill of every craftsman will be in perpetual demand. Hints of the transformations to be made are to be found in the encircling boulevards of Florence, marking the medieval walls, in the smiling gardens of Nuremberg, filling its old mote, in the water fronts of Antwerp and Hamburg, in the river banks of Dresden and Paris, in the park systems of New York and Philadelphia, in the libraries of Boston and Washington, in the cathedrals of Pittsburg and Albany, in the home crofts of Brookline and Montclair and the suburbs of a hundred other American cities. But these are hints only. There is much land to be possessed. A stupendous amount of good work must be done before all the homes of men shall be "homes of virtue, sense and taste"; before all the paraphernalia of commerce shall be so perfect that one can write "Holiness unto the Lord" even "upon the bells of the horses"; before all the cities of the world shall reflect the image of the New Jerusalem; before all God's children shall be able to "worship Him in the beauty of holiness." The realization of these ideals is the next Gaul to conquer, the next New World to discover, the next Africa to explore, the next Pole to reach. The arts, under universal peace, will offer to young men of spirit infinite opportunities to win the perpetual gratitude of mankind. DR. MAXWELL: The next speaker, who has devoted his life to teaching, is the State Superintendent of Instruction for the great Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, upon whom his fellow teachers of the United States have conferred the highest honor in their gift, the Presi dency of the National Education Association. I have the honor to present to you Dr. Schaeffer. Teaching Peace Ideals DR. NATHAN C. SCHAEFFER. As soon as the average girl begins to study the history of the United States she begins to wish she had been born a boy. Her text-books magnify the achievements of men and devote very little space to the deeds of women. She gradually reaches the conviction that everything great and heroic belongs to the opposite sex, and that life is not worth living unless one can attain military glory. The boy is apt to form similar ideals from our text-books on history and from our methods of teaching the subject. The names of admirals and generals, the battles they fought and the victories they won, the causes and the effects of war constitute a very large part of the material of instruction. The examination questions which are supposed to emphasize the most important portions of the school curriculum bristle with wars and the things of war. The boy loves power and admires every exhibition of personal and national strength; he admires the heroes whose names are immortalized upon the pages of history; he gradually conceives the notion that the wearing of a uniform, the carrying of a gun or sword, the shedding of blood and the acquisition of military renown are essential to a life worth living. It seems to me that our text-books, our examinations and our instruction in history should glorify the victories of Peace above the victories of war. In other words, history should be taught from a more rational point of view. Whilst it is not wise to rob the soldier of his just share of glory, while it would be a mistake to minimize the sacrifices which an army or a navy makes in the defense of national rights and in the protection of the down-trodden and the oppressed, it will nevertheless be wise to emphasize the arts of Peace above the art of war, and to teach history in such a way that the pupil will write the name of the poet, the orator, the artist, the inventor, the educator, the jurist and the statesman in as conspicuous a place in the temple of fame as that occupied by the name of the victorious general or the successful admiral. At the time when the teacher is instilling proper ideals of heroism and of life the boy can be taught to despise not only the "bully" who is anxious to pick a quarrel with weaker companions, but also the nation that is ever ready to begin a quarrel with weaker nations. He can be taught to distinguish the different kinds of war. There is the war for tribute; no civilized government can afford to exact blood-money under the guise of a war indemnity. The wars for booty, such as the robber barons of the middle ages carried on, are no longer tolerated by the civilized world. War for the gratification of personal ambition, like the wars of Napoleon, is no longer possible. Our country has not always been guiltless of the war for territorial aggrandizement, but this kind of war should be condemned by both teacher and text-book. More can be said in favor of a war for principle, like our Revolutionary War, and of a war to protect the weak and helpless, but even then it is well to let the pupil see both sides of the dispute, and to point out to him how international disputes may be settled by arbitration as a substitute for war. How well posted we all are upon every war that our people have waged; how little we know of the two hundred and fifty disputes which have been settled by the peaceful method of international arbitration! How familiar we are with the Monroe Doctrine, and how seldom we speak of the arrangement made during Monroe's administration for disarming along our Canadian boundary-an arrangement that has secured Peace between the United States and Great Britain in spite of all the acute disputes which have arisen since the war of 1812. Patriotism is a virtue, but it may be so taught that the citizen will resort to everything mean and contemptible for the sake of furthering the material interests of his country. Our teaching of history should give rise to a public sentiment that will make it impossible for a ruler or a government to begin war, except for the maintenance of justice, law and order among the great brotherhood of nations, especially among the partially civilized peoples and tribes in distant parts of the globe. ANGEL OF PEACE... .Keller .O. W. HOLMES.. Angel of Peace, thou hast wandered too long! Fly to our ark like the storm-beaten dove! Brothers we meet, on this altar of thine, Brothers once more, 'round this altar of thine! Angels of Heaven now answer the strain, Roll its long surge like the earth-shaking main! DR. MAXWELL: The next address will be made by a gentleman who has done much to secure the promotion of the Peace Movement in this city. I have the pleasure of presenting Mr. Charles Sprague Smith. The Kingdom by the Sea PROFESSOR CHARLES SPRAGUE SMITH. I am going to speak to you to-day about a kingdom in an age far away, in a land far away. The territory of this kingdom was not very extensive; not much larger, probably, than the territory of our Greater City. The kingdom was protected on three sides by the sea; on the fourth, the land had extended originally in a broad, sweeping plain out of sight. But from time immemorial it had been accepted as custom, as necessity, that the city and its inhabitants should be protected on that land side, that plain side, until a great portion of the energy of the inhabitants had been spent upon erecting a wall, a huge barrier of earth and stone. It had been built for decades, it had been built for centuries, and with the centuries it had arisen until it stood there shutting out the sunlight, shutting out the day, a high, broad, frowning mountain. Kings came and went, and centuries came and went, until at last a king came to that land, one who had not spent his entire time within the mountainsheltered city, but had wandered abroad. As he wandered, the thought awoke within him that the strength of a city, the permanence of its civilization, depended quite as much upon the existence of friendship as upon that of hostility between man and man; and so, too, the after-thought that the best thing to which he could devote the energies of his subjects was to remove that mountain which stood there shutting out the day, shutting out the sunlight and thus closing the path to intimate tender relations with those who were living on the other side of the mountain. So he called his old counsellors to him, those who had grown gray in council, and those who had grown gray in war, and he laid his thoughts before them. They said to him: "Sire, we are your servants, and it is our duty and privilege to do as you bid. If, therefore, it is your bidding, we will go about it and remove that mountain which for centuries our ancestors have reared, but we advise your majesty against it. It has not been custom, it has not been so received among us, there is danger in doing it." Some few, indeed, assented to the king's proposal, but the large majority opposed it. And so the king dismissed his counsellors. Old age, he thought, will not dare to enlist in such an enterprise. So I will call the men who have just come to the strength of manhood, my men of middle-age. He summoned them, and they came from their various pursuits; some from bearing arms, standing as warders of that mountain; others from among the builders, who were ever strengthening its foundations. Gathering them about him, he repeated the same words, and received again essentially the same. answer. They said to him, "Our lives have been spent in defending this city and in strengthening its fortifications against out |