the reckless slanderous manner in which its power has been used over them, and on them, and as they make answer, am I ready to stand condemned or acquitted of slander myself. Let the law which now binds the hands of the injured and the insulted, either check this outrageous exercise of irresponsible power, the outgrowth of a false system of journalism, or else let it restore Nature's liberty to us to protect ourselves. If it would but do this, I think so well of my countrymen that I will warrant that the license of American journalism would speedily be corralled within the pickets of a reasonable liberty.

The project of endowed journals is the natural suggestion - one among many which occurs to the vast number of thinking men who are tired of and disgusted at the characteristics and tendencies of a large portion of the American Press. The almost utter absence of accuracy and fairness in the reports of Congressional doings and sayings; the mean and slanderous attacks on our public men, which stop not short of suspicioning their own and the virtues of their wives; the utter lack of discrimination in editing the newspaper of the day, which prints the drivel of a drunken prize fighter, at greater length and with larger display of head-lines than a speech of Mr. Gladstone, an encyclical from the Pope, or a message of the President; the absence of all moral conviction from the editorial page, that noblest opportunity for sincere and wise expression the world has ever provided for earnest men; the growing habit of converting reporters and correspondents into a gang of paid detectives and amateur spies, against the entrance of whom the jury room itself is not protected, these and other deplorable conditions and tendencies patent to all, in American journalism, have produced a conviction far deeper and more prevalent than many think — that a radical change in the methods of journalism must be effected, and that, too, speedily.

When the suggestion looking towards the endowment of journals among us was recently made, many of the newspapers, we noticed, received it with a show of hilarity, as if it stirred the risibilities of their respective owners; but there was a hollow sound in their merriment, as when one in order to put on a brave appearance opens his mouth in vain effort to laugh, because there is a far different feeling from jollity in his soul. And the arguments feebly put

forth to prove the fallacy of the suggestion, were of a sort to stir the pity of one who reflected on the feebleness of the wit which would advance them, and the weakness of a cause which could urge no better in its defence.

The fact is, there is not an argument that can be urged against the endowment of journals, which cannot, even with greater force, be brought against the endowment of colleges. Both are national necessities. Both are sources of popular education. Both are mediums through which the learning, the patriotism, and the moral conviction of the best minds of the nation, can be communicated to the people who support them. Both are immense educational agencies, with the advantage in favor of the daily journal as contrasted with the college. The college reaches the few; the journal the many. The college is of the past, the remote, the indirect. It teaches languages that are dead, and tongues that are foreign; sciences that are for the few, and knowledge that is occult; while the daily journal speaks to the many in the vernacular; teaches from the text-book of current events, and gives to its reader the knowledge that is actual, and supplies him with present instruction, entertainment, guidance, and inspiration. Over against Cambridge, we can place Franklin, the printer; beside Yale, stand Garrison, with his Emancipator, and at the right hand of Agassiz, put Greeley, and no one who knew the forces which have developed our civilization could say that the three who type the influence of the college, outweighed the three who type the influences of the Press.

But how could political parties be served under this system of endowment, may be asked? Even as the different religious denominations are served now, and well served, by the same system, we reply. As Methodist wealth endows a Methodist school or college, and Baptist wealth its favorite institution, so Democratic or Republican wealth could endow the organ it loved and whose political opinions agreed with its own. And thus whoever will examine this subject thoughtfully will quickly realize that the plan suggested is not one either to awaken hilarity, or be treated as if it were inherently impracticable. On the other hand he will find that it is both practicable and practical.

The advantages to be derived from such endowed journals, are many and vast. Among others are these. It would lift journalism to the level of a learned and noble profession.

To be the editor of a great journal would be an honor equal to be the President of a great college. It would give to the people a thorough editing of the news of the day, which would ensure proper discrimination as to values, and accuracy of statement. It would lift the editorial pages to the level of high culture, deliberate expression, and convincing statement. It would give to its correspondence the finish and elegance of cultivated and gifted pens. It would shut the gates against the inrushing floods of coarse sensationalism. It would deliver the pages from ungentlemanly personalities. It would secure us, as a nation, the respect and applause of foreign peoples, and it would bring to the discussion of every public question, the best thoughts of our best men. Shall we have endowed journals? If not, why not?

THE RACE PROBLEM.

BY PROF. W. S. SCARBOROUGH, A. M.

THIS question, improperly styled the "Negro problem, is in reality the white man's question. From the negro's standpoint the conditions that usually enter into a problem are absent and therefore the wonder is why all this discussion in regard to the blacks, why this confusion, these sectional differences, this bitter strife concerning the negro's rights, his citizenship?

The blacks are quietly disposed and inclined to accept any amicable terms of peace that may be proposed by either North or South in the interest of the common good. They are not aggressive, nor vindictive, nor are they hostile to national prosperity. Negro supremacy or negro domination is a thought entirely foreign to their plans, and those who would insinuate that the demand for fair play is a cry for this or social equality surely do not understand the negro or his desires in the matter. His demand for fair play is not unreasonable, and why should the whole country be so stirred up over the subject?

But when we stop to think about it, it occurs to us as not being so very strange, for intolerance is largely a characteristic of the American people, especially intolerance of race.

So many have flocked to these shores, driven by persecution, that intolerance has become implanted in the minds of all as the sign of superiority. In no other way can we account for this among people of high civilization; for the rule is, the higher the civilization the more tolerant of races, creeds, and all else that may be attacked by the least civilized.

Take the Jews for example-a quiet, inoffensive people, many of whom are the monied kings of the world. Note the discrimination against them. Are they not ostracized? Is not the spirit of intolerance so strong against them in many parts of the world that it is impossible for them to remain and have any interest in the soil or learned profes