of its influence the welfare of the entire human race. He must be deeply impressed with the greatness of his mission, knowing it to be the mission of the government in which he is an active participant. His reflections can be in no manner allied to levity, for they must tell him perpetually of a work, whose mighty results are to be carried steadily forward to the end of coming time.

FALLACY OF SUPPOSING THAT AMERICAN INSTITU

TIONS NEED NO SAFEGUARDS.

“Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty."

appears to be an almost universal truth, that those who are in possession of the full desire of their hearts, betray extreme carelessness in securing for that possession an adequate protection. A severe experience seems needed to discipline men into habits of prudence, self-control, and precautionary foresight. Any advantage, if not acquired by personal sacrifice, generally fails to carry with it those impressive lessons of discreetness which are the surest securities against either its invasion or decay.

Americans of the present generation have been peculiarly liberal in relation to their political privileges. Holding them in a measure cheap, because so easily attained, they have hitherto failed to see the need of dispensing them to others with a prudent hand, or of hedging them about with such restrictions as would place them out of reach of questionable influences. Liberty has a tendency to make men's heart's large and generous, and to give the utmost latitude to thought. With a practical knowledge of the manifold blessings of freedom ingrained in their very natures, it is hardly possible for them to desire less ample endowments for those whom they find deprived of them altogether.

The actual aim of our free institutions is universal brotherhood. Whether acknowledged or not as the purpose of our political organization, this, nevertheless, is the vital spirit that imparts all power and energy. And yet it is not to be argued as a consequence of this truth, that so grand an attainment will be reached any the sooner, or that its blessings will be secured in any greater degree, by laxity in the care of these institutions, and a mistaken generosity in extending the power of directing their operation. By indifference of this sort, their character must suffer degradation; and when that result is reached, the true end of their existence is perverted, if not entirely destroyed. Free gifts are assuredly evidences of large possessions ; and multiplied acts of generosity are proofs of deep sympathy with those who are so unfortunate as to be destitute. But there are always limits to such deeds, beyond which they cease to be beneficial, and become means of injury or mischief.

If absolutism feels the necessity of protecting itself against the inroads of men who deny the lawfulness of its claims, how much more sensibly must that necessity be felt by the friends and supporters of constitutional freedom. The former fears conspiracies, machina

, tions, and the outbursts of rebellion. The latter have to guard continually against indifference to privileges,-an indifference which soon is followed by licentiousness and riot,-eventually leading to a tyranny far more fearful than that of any one-man power. Liberty is apt to be careless, from its very inclination to generosity, Unsparing in favors to all, it dreams not of ingratitude from its recipients. The law seems to be entirely in its own favor, removing all those sources of anxiety in which absolutism is so prolific; and yet other causes of fear are known to spring up plentifully under a certain complication of circumstances, which nothing but the utmost prudence and firmness can hope to remove.

There is nothing that Americans should guard with so watchful an eye as their country's liberty. They cannot be too jealous in its care. They cannot hope to enjoy freedom and slothfulness together. Liberty has its own unchangeable price, which is vigilance unceasing. It is good to dilate on the blessings of freedom, but the reflections are idle and the words are empty harangues, when freedom has no sentinels on its farthest outposts, and careless defenders in its citadel. If they who hold priceless possessions are indifferent to their preservation, where shall men be found to volunteer protection for that upon which they set, as yet, no value ? If the free are not watchful, how can we hope to find a guardian for liberty among the oppressed?

None ought to be so capable of understanding what freedom is worth, as those to whom its riches have fallen by inheritance. A proper estimate of its value is not to be expected from others. To them it is still an unreal speculation-a dim and far-off vision. They have heard, perhaps, of its reality, and come to settle their calm convictions upon its truth. Still, it is practically unknown to them, and from it they have never been able to derive any personal advantage. But Americans have no excuse to plead for their ignorance. Under the protection of free and constitutional laws they are secured in the possession of both life and liberty. Themselves the original power in the State, they impart character and direction to all the operations of government. Holding certain inalienable rights, they are free to attain happiness after their own desires. All pursuits, of a proper character, lie wide open to their ambition in

every

direction; and they may boast that theirs is the noblest country and the freest nation on the face of the earth.

There are, therefore, no reasons why such large privileges should ever suffer from diminution. If they unfortunately do, the fault lies at the door of those who should have been their most ardent champions. They must rehearse their misfortunes to none but their own ears, and brood in silence over the loss that might have been turned to their immeasurable gain.

Facts are imposing authorities in the disposition of theories and suppositions. Nothing is better calculated to open the eyes of the blind, or to unstop the ears of the deaf, than these most stubborn and irresistible things. Upon them, all reasoning is based ; and from them logical conclusions are unerringly deduced. From them alone we are able to understand the real position, both of our free institutions and the dangers by which these are surrounded. They will tell us the plainest truths of our national welfare, and enable us, better than all else, to comprehend the chart by which our national course is guided.