almost all the liberty of the British constitution, the world is indebted to the Puritans.

The influence of the Bible upon the cause of freedom is sufficiently evident in the present condition of the nations. Why, I ask, are not the Eastern and Mohammedan nations blessed with as much rational liberty, as those of Northern and Western Europe? And why are those nominally Christian nations, from which the Bible is in great measure excluded, more despotically governed, than those in which it is freely circulated? Why, for example, is there less freedom in Russia, Austria, Italy, and Spain, than there is in Prussia, Switzerland, Great Britain, and the United States?

That our own republican institutions are to be traced to the influence of the Bible and the Gospel, is matter of undoubted history. The fathers of New England were strictly religious men. It was their regard for religious institutions, and their determination to observe them, according to the dictates of their own consciences, which brought them to this country. They first adopted their free, independent form of Church government, which they drew from the Bible; and to this they adapted the form of their civil government, which must, of course, be of a free, republican character.' And hence the origin of the republics of New England, and of the United States. They may be traced as directly to the Bible, as any result in history can be connected with its cause.

But I will not enlarge further on the first part of my subject, viz., the tendencies of the Bible to liberty. We have seen, both from its teachings, its spirit, and its laws, and from its actual results upon individuals, and upon nations, that its tendency is to discountenance all tyranny, oppression, and wrong, and promote the highest degree of freedom and happiness of which men, in their present condition, are capable.

It has been stated already, that perfect, unrestricted freedom is incompatible with a state of civil society. It would be so, even if men had never sinned. There would be a necessity then for law, and law necessarily implies restraint. But men have sinned. Their hearts are evil, and fully set in them to do evil; and restraints must be imposed upon their evil hearts, or rational liberty cannot be enjoyed.

What I am now to show is, not only that the Bible fosters liberty, as we have seen, but that it supplies the right kind and degree of restraint, so that liberty shall not run out into licentiousness, and terminate in its own defeat and overthrow.

In showing this, I remark, first of all, that the Bible lays the

1 "The hangings," said Mr. Hooker, "must be fashioned to the house, and not the house to the hangings." In other words, the government of the State must be accommodated to that of the Church, and not the opposite.

only proper foundation for civil restraint, by representing government, not as a device of man, but as an institution of God. Not a few, in these days, view the matter differently. They regard civil government as of merely human origin, resting on the consent of the governed, tacitly or expressly given, to surrender a portion of their individual rights, for the good of society, or for the better security of the rest. But there are many objections to this theory of government. In the first place, it has no foundation in fact. Not one in a million of those who are now rightfully the subjects of civil government, ever yielded their consent to any such compact. Their consent was never asked or given. Then government, founded on such a basis, has very little binding restraining power. In extreme cases, it has none at all. I have consented, on certain conditions, to surrender a portion of my individual rights, with a view to constitute a government. But suppose I think that the conditions of the compact have not been fulfilled 1; ; or that the government, at least in certain circumstances, is not competent to answer its end. In either case, I am released from my obligations of obedience, and may take the law into my own hands. Hence, the origin of mobs, and the institution of lynch laws and courts, and all those petty acts of violence with which society is disgraced.

And when these results are not realized, on the theory of government now before us, the obligations of the subject are merely those of a civil compact. The authority of God is not directly concerned in the matter. The duty of submission is not enforced by the most weighty of all sanctions; I mean those of religion.

Very different is the government propounded in the New Testament, both as to its nature, and its results. "There is no power but of God. The powers that be are ordained of God. Whosoever, therefore, resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God." The civil ruler "is the minister of God to thee for good. But if thou dost evil, be afraid; for he beareth not the sword in vain. For he is the minister of God, a revenger, to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil. Wherefore, ye must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but also for conscience' sake."

These passages are from the New Testament-the latest exposition of God's truth and will; and as such, are binding upon all Christians. And there can be no question as to their import. They represent civil government as an institution of God; as really so, as the Sabbath, or the sacraments.

The sacred writers decide nothing as to the form of civil government. It may be a monarchy, or democracy, or all these combined. Nor are they to be construed as prohibiting all resistance to government, in case it becomes palpably, incurably, perverted, and sets itself in opposition to the will of Heaven. But

civil government is a divine institution. And the existing government, be it what it may, so long as it answers the end of government, and its subjects continue to claim its protection, is to them "the ordinance of God ;" and magistrates are "the ministers of God;" and the governed are bound to submit and be obedient, "not only for wrath, but also for conscience' sake."

Here now we have a foundation of civil government, not fluctuating with every wave of popular impulse and opinion, but one which will stand as long as the world stands. And the subject is bound by the authority of God, as well as that of the magistrate, and by considerations of religion, as well as those of public and private benefit. A foundation is here laid, on which civil government may put forth its power, and make its restraining influence felt;-on which it may become a terror to evil doers, and a praise to them that do well."

The

Again; the gospel furnishes those restraints which are needed in a free government, in that it reaches the hearts and consciences of individuals, controlling and purifying these great fountains of influence. In respect to this, and other matter, human legislation is necessarily inadequate and imperfect. It takes cognisance only of overt arts; nor can it reach directly more than a small part of these. And then, the crimes it prohibits are often so difficult of proof, that the perpetrator escapes unharmed. And it often happens, "in the corrupted currents of this world," that "offence's gilded hand may shove by justice, and the wicked prize itself buys out the laws. But it is not so above." laws of God, as inculcated in the Scriptures, go deeper, and make more thorough work. These reach to the heart, as well as to the life; to the motive, as well as to the outward act; sternly prohibiting all sin, and commanding the continual exercise and expression of holiness. These proceed, too, from a lawgiver, from whose eye nothing can be concealed, and point to a retribution from which there is no escape. They look forward to a judgment, into which every, work shall be brought, with every secret thing, and where "we ourselves shall be compelled, even to the teeth and forehead of our faults, to give in evidence."

And God presents us, in His word, with not only a strict and holy law, but a glorious gospel. This holds out the promise of freedom to every sincere penitent, and breathes forth an influence to subdue the hard heart, and melt it into contrition and love. In fine, the gospel tends to quicken the consciences of those who enjoy it, to purify their minds, to take away the love of sin, and of course, to restrain from its indulgence. And in doing this for individuals, it does it for society, which is composed of individuals. It forms and establishes a public conscience. It creates a public sentiment, which is a far more effective and powerful restraint than any human legislation can be.

A vast majority of the citizens of these United States are very little affected, probably, in their moral conduct, by the laws of the land. The laws sit so easily upon them, that they scarcely think of them. They hardly know, and in many instances do not know, what they are. Their rules of conduct, their motives and restraints, though at a general agreement with the laws, are of a higher nature. They are those of religion and the gospel. How many of my readers abstain habitually from profane swearing, false witness, murder, theft, simply because these crimes are forbidden by the laws? How few there are, who would not as strictly abstain, if there were no laws in existence on these subjects. And even the lawless and disobedient-those for whom the laws are needed-are more restrained, probably, by Christian society, and a Christian public sentiment, than by the laws themselves. They cannot act themselves out as they would-cannot give the rein to their corrupt propensities and desires-being held back by an influence which they can hardly define, but the force of which they can deeply feel.

Few persons, indeed, are sensible how much they are indebted to the restraints of the gospel, even in a civil point of view. An influence goes forth from it, reaching to the heart and conscience of the community, and doing more, undoubtedly, to form and correct public sentiment, to promote order and prevent crimes, to prepare a people for rational liberty, and lay the foundation of free institutions on a sure basis, than all other causes combined.

I have spoken of the general restraints of the gospel, owing to its deep-searching and purifying influence. I may add, that it tends to correct those particular evils to which free governments are more especially liable.

Among these, may be noticed a proud and reckless spirit of personal independence, pervading, it may be, a large portion of the community. Republican institutions, in which the people are the source of all power, tend, perhaps of necessity, to foster such a spirit; but the Bible tends effectually to check it. This teaches vain man his own littleness, feebleness, frailty, dependence. Iteaches him, however much he may vaunt himself, that there is a Power above him to which he is amenable, and before which he is but a worm. Again; those who live under free institutions are more likely than others to "despise governments," and set lightly by the laws. The magistrate, being created by the people, and being in a sense the servant of the people, is not regard ed or treated with respect. Those whom he is appointed to govern do, in effect, govern him, and rulers and ruled are made to change places. The laws, too, being but the embodied will of the people, are too easily set aside, and. trodden under foot. There is no intelligent observer of the workings of a free govern

ment but must have noticed this tendency of things; and I know of no effectual remedy for it but the influence of the Bible. As I have before remarked, this represents government, when once established, as no longer the creature and the sport of man, but as a solemn ordinance of God, and the magistrate as God's minister. And the subject is bound to render obedience and respect, by solemn religious obligations. He is to "render tribute to whom tribute is due, and custom to whom custom; fear to whom fear, and honor to whom honor." He is to "be subject to every ordinance of man, for the Lord's sake." The more deeply lessons such as these, are impressed upon the heart of every freeman, the better citizen he will be, and the better republican, and the more will his influence tend to honor and perpetuate those free institututions under which it is his privilege to live.

Another of the evils incident to a republican form of government, is a time-serving, truckling spirit, more especially in those who aspire to office. Every demagogue knows very well that his political advancement depends entirely on his pleasing the people. He must humor their whims and prejudices, and truckle to their wishes, or he is laid aside as an unclean thing. To such an one, here is furnished a temptation well nigh irresistible, to cry, Vox populi, vox Dei, and to seek popularity more than right. Now, "the only sufficient antagonist of this tendency is the spirit of the Gospel. This brings eternal truths, based upon God's authority, and sanctioned by endless retributions, to every man as his guide, and teaches him that it is at the peril of all that is most valuable, that he dares neglect them. Let the people clamor for what they may, the ruler imbued with these principles, will do right. And let the demagogue entice and flatter as he may, the people imbued with these principles, will do right. And when the people are thus imbued, the tendency to seek popular favor will be the less dangerous, because this only can be gained by doing right." In a country like our own, where so much is depending on the voice of the people; where they are called upon to decide almost every question, and almost every subject; there is no safety but in a general diffusion of the eternal truths and precepts of Christianity. Let the foot of every individual in the community be firmly fixed on this adamantine basis, and our institutions will stand secure.

I only remark further in this connexion, that there is a tendency in liberty, when unrestrained, to degenerate first into anarchy, nd then into the worst form of tyranny; a tyranny compared with which the sternest despotism is counted a blessing. Who would not prefer the rule of a monarch to the rule of a mob? Who would not prefer a Stuart, a Bourbon, a Bonaparte, anything in the form of a fixed and stable government, to the terrors of a relentless military dictator, or of a jacobin club? Every tyro in