the objects for which it had been destined by mutual agreement among the states before their league was dissolved. It applied only to the property which the states held in common at that time, and has no reference whatever to any territory or other property which the new sovereignty might afterwards itself acquire. The language used in the clause, the arrangement and combination of the powers, and the somewhat unusual phraseology it uses, when it speaks of the political power to be exercised in the government of the territory, all indicate the design and meaning of the clause to be such as we have mentioned. It does not speak of any territory, nor of territories, but uses language which, according to its legitimate meaning, points to a particular thing. The power is given in relation to receive from the confederated states. And if this be true as to this property, it must be equally true and limited as to the territory, which is so carefully and precisely coupled with it and like it, referred to as property in the power granted. The concluding words of the clause appear to render this construction irresistible; for, after the provisions we have mentioned, it proceeds to say, "that nothing in the Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of any particular state." Now, as we have before said, all of the states, except North Carolina and Georgia, had made the cession before the Constitution was adopted, according to the resolution of Congress of October 10, 1780. The claims of other states, that the unappropriated lands in these two states should be applied to the com only to the territory of the United States; that mon benefit, in like manner was still insisted is, to a territory then in existence, and then on, but refused by the states. And this memknown or claimed as the territory of the Uni-ber of the clause in question evidently applies ted States. It begins its enumeration of to them, and can apply to nothing else. It powers by that of disposing, in other words, was to exclude the conclusion that either making sale of the lands, or raising money party, by adopting the Constitution, would surrender what they deemed their rights. And when the latter provision relates so obviously to the unappropriated lands not yet ceded by the states, and the first clause makes from them, which, as we have already said, was the main object of the cession, and which is accordingly the first thing provided for in the article. It then gives the power which was necessarily associated with the disposi- provision for those then actually ceded, it is tion and sale of the lands; that is, the power impossible, by any just rule of construction, of making needful rules and regulations to make the first provision general, and exrespecting the territory. And whatever con- tend to all territories which the federal govstruction may now be given to these words, ernment might in any way afterwards acevery one, we think, must admit that they are quire, when the latter is plainly and unequinot the words usually employed by statesmen vocally confined to a particular territory; in giving supreme power of legislation. They which was a part of the same controversy, are certainly very unlike the words used in and involved in the same dispute, and deordinance of 1787, and assisted in forming | ferent subjects, and the perspicuity and apthe new government under which they were propriateness of the language it uses. But if then acting, and whose powers they were then this clause is construed to extend to territory exercising. And it is obvious, from the law acquired by the present government from a the power granted to legislate over territory which the new government might afterwards itself obtain by cession from a state, either for its seat of government, or for forts, magazines, arsenals, dock yards, and other needful buildings. And the same power of making needful rules respecting the territory is, in precisely the same language, applied to the other property belonging to the United States-associating the power over the territory in this respect with the power over movable or personal property-that is, the ships, arms, and munitions of war, which then belonged in common to the state sovereignties. And it will hardly be said that this power, in relation to the last-mentioned objects, was deemed necessary to be thus specially given to the new government, in order to authorize it to make needful rules and regulations respecting the ships it might itself build, or arms and munitions of war it might itself manufacture or provide for the public service. No one, it is believed, would think a moment of deriving the power of Congress to make needful rules and regulations in relation to property of this kind from this clause of the Constitution. Nor can it, upon any fair construction, be applied to any property but that which the new government was about pended upon the same principles. The union of the two provisions in the same clause shows that they were kindred subjects; and that the whole clause is local, and relates only to lands within the limits of the United States, which had been or then were claimed by a state; and that no other territory was in the mind of the framers of the Constitution, or intended to be embraced in it. Upon any other construction it would be impossible to account for the insertion of the last provision in the place where it is found, or to comprehend why or for what object it was associated with the previous provision. This view of the subject is confirmed by the manner in which the present government of the United States dealt with the subject as soon as it came into existence. It must be borne in mind that the same states that formed the Confederation also formed and adopted the new government, to which so large a portion of their former sovereign powers were surrendered. It must also be borne in mind that all of these same states which had then ratified the new Constitution were represented in the Congress which passed the first law for the government of this territory; and many of the members of that legislative body had been deputies from the states under the Confederation-had united in adopting the they passed to carry into effect the principles and provisions of the ordinance, that they regarded it as the act of the states done in the exercise of their legitimate powers at the time. The new government took the territory as it found it, and in the condition in which it was transferred, and did not attempt to undo anything that had been done. And, among the earliest laws passed under the new government, is one reviving the ordinance of 1787, which had become inoperative, and a nullity upon the adoption of the Constitution. This foreign nation, outside of the limits of any charter from the British government to a colony, it would be difficult to say, why it was deemed necessary to give the government the power to sell any vacant lands belonging to the sovereignty which might be found within it; and if this was necessary, why the grant of this power should precede the power to le gislate over it and establish a government there; and still more difficult to say, why it was deemed necessary so specially and particularly to grant the power to make needful law introduces no new form or principles for rules and regulations in relation to any perits government, but recites, in the preamble, sonal or movable property it might acquire that it is passed in order that this ordinance there. For the words other property, necesmay continue to have full effect, and proceeds sarily, by every known rule of interpretation, to make only those rules and regulations must mean property of a different description from territory or land. And the difficulty would perhaps be insurmountable in endeavoring to account for the last member of the sentence, which provides that "nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States or any particular state," or to say how any particu which were needful to adapt it to the new government, into whose hands the power had fallen. It appears, therefore, that this Congress regarded the purposes to which the land in this territory was to be applied, and the form of government and principles of jurisprudence which were to prevail there, while it remained in the territorial state, as already lar state could have claims in or to a territory determined on by the states when they had full power and right to make the decision; and that the new government, having received it in this condition, ought to carry substantially into effect the plans and principles which had been previously adopted by the states, and which no doubt the states anticipated when they surrendered their power to the new government. And if we regard this clause of the Constitution as pointing to this territory, with a territorial government already established in it, which had been ceded to the states for the purposes hereinbefore mentioned-every word in it is perfectly appropriate, and easily understood, and the provisions it contains are in perfect harmony with the objects for which it was ceded, and with the condition of its government as a territory at ceded by a foreign government, or to account for associating this provision with the preceding provisions of the clause, with which it would appear to have no connexion. The words "needful rules and regulations" would seem, also, to have been cautiously used for some definite object. They are not the words usually employed by statesmen, when they mean to give the powers of sovereignty, or to establish a government, or to authorize its establishment. Thus, in the law to renew and keep alive the ordinance of 1787, and to re-establish the government, the title of the law is: "An act to provide for the government of the territory northwest of the river Ohio." And in the Constitution, when granting the power to legislate over the territory that may be selected for the seat of government in the time. We can, then, easily account for dependently of a state, it does not say Conthe manner in which the first Congress legis-gress shall have power "to make all needful lated on the subject and can also understand rules and regulations respecting the territowhy this power over the territory was asso-ry;" but it declares that "Congress shall have ciated in the same clause with the other pro- power to exercise exclusive legislation in all perty of the United States, and subjected to cases whatsoever over such District (not exthe like power of making needful rules and regulations. But if the clause is construed in the expanded sense contended for, so as to embrace any territory acquired from a foreign nation by the present government, and to give it in such territory a despotic and unlimited power over persons and property, such as the ceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular states and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the government of the United States. The words "rules and regulations" are usually employed in the Constitution in speaking of some particular specified power which confederated states might exercise in their it means to confer on the government, and not, common property, it would be difficult to account for the phraseology used, when compared with other grants of power and also for its association with the other provisions in the same clause. The Constitution has always been remarkable for the felicity of its arrangement of dif as we have seen, when granting general powers of legislation. As, for example, in the particular power to Congress " to make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces, or the particular and specific power to regulate commerce;" "to establish an uniform rule of naturalization;" "to coin 1 the supreme law of the land." money and regulate the value thereof." And federated states. The language is: "and all to construe the words of which we are speak- treaties made, or which shall be made, under ing as a general and unlimited grant of sove- the authority of the United States, shall be reignty over territories which the government might afterwards acquire, is to use them in a sense and for a purpose for which they were not used in any other part of the instrument. But if confined to a particular territory, in which a government and laws had already been established, but which would require some alterations to adapt it to the new government, the words are peculiarly applicable and appropriate for that purpose. Whether, therefore, we take the particular clause in question, by itself, or in connexion with the other provisions of the Constitution, we think it clear, that it applies only to the particular territory of which we have spoken, and cannot, by any just rule of interpretation, be extended to territory which the new govvernment might afterwards obtain from a foreign nation. Consequently, the power which Congress may have lawfully exercised in this territory, while it remained under a territorial government, and which may have been sanctioned by judicial decision, can furnish no justification and no argument to support a similar exercise of power over territory afterwards acquired by the federal government. We put aside, therefore, any argument, drawn from precedents, showing the extent of the power which the general government exercised over slavery in this territory, as altogether inapplicable to the case before us. The necessity of this special provision in relation to property and the rights or property held in common by the confederated states, is illustrated by the first clause of the sixth article. This clause provides that "all debts, contracts, and engagements entered into before the adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this government as under the Confederation." This provision, like the one under consideration, was indispensable if the new Constitution was adopted. The new government was not a mere change in a dynasty, or in a form of government, leaving the nation or sovereignty the same, and clothed with all the rights, and bound by all the obligations, of the preceding has been quoted as establishing a different one. But, when the present United States construction of this clause of the Constitution. came into existence under the new govern- There is, however, not the slightest conflict But the case of the American and Ocean Insurance Companies v. Canter (1 Pet., 511) between the opinion now given and the one referred to; and it is only by taking a single sentence out of the latter and separating it from the context, that even an appearance of conflict can be shown. We need not comment on such a mode of expounding an opinion of the court. Indeed it most commonly misrepresents instead of expounding it. And this is fully exemplified in the case referred to, where, if one sentence is taken by itself, the opinion would appear to be in direct conflict with that now given; but the words which immediately follow that sentence show that ment, it was a new political body, a new nation, then for the first time taking its place in the family of nations. It took nothing by succession from the Confederation. It had no right, as its successor, to any property or rights of property which it had acquired, and was not liable for any of its obligations. It was evidently viewed in this light by the framers of the Constitution. And as the several states would cease to exist in their former confederated character upon the adoption of the Constitution, and could not, in that character, again assemble together, special provisions were indispensable to transfer to the new gov- the court did not mean to decide the point, ernment the property and rights which at that but merely affirmed the power of Congress to time they held in common; and at the same establish a government in the territory, leav time to authorize it to lay taxes and appropriate money to pay the common debt which they had contracted; and this power could only be given to it by special provisions in the Constitution. The clause in relation to the territory end other property of the United States provided for the first, and the clause last quoted provided for the other. They have no connexion with the general powers and rights of sovereignty delegated to the new government, and can neither enlarge nor diminish them. They were inserted to meet a present emergency, and not to regulate its powers as a government. Indeed, a similar provision was deemed necessary, in relation to treaties made by the Confederation; and when in the clause next suc ing it an open question, whether that power was derived from this clause in the Constitution, or was to be necessarily inferred from a power to acquire territory by cession from a foreign government. The opinion on this part of the case is short, and we give the whole of it to show how well the selection of a single sentence is calculated to mislead. The passage referred to is in page 542, in which the court, in speaking of the power of Congress to establish a territorial government in Florida until it should become a state, uses the following language: "In the mean time Florida continues to be a territory of the United States, governed by that clause of the Constitution which empowers Congress to make all needful rules ceeding the one of which we have last spoken, and regulations respecting the territory or it is declared that treaties shall be the supreme other property of the United States. Perhaps law of the land, care is taken to include, by the power of governing a territory belonging express words, the treaties made by the con- to the United States, which has not, by be coming a state, acquired the means of self-cision upon it was not required by the case government, may result, necessarily, from the before the court. facts that it is not within the jurisdiction of There is another sentence in the opinion any particular state, and is within the power which has been commented on, which even in and jurisdiction of the United States. The a still more striking manner shows how one to all cases of admiralty and maritime juris- government. The case before us depends upon right to govern may be the inevitable consequence of the right to acquire territory. Whichever may be the source from which the power is derived, the possession of it is unquestionable." It is thus clear, from the whole opinion on this point, that the court did not mean to decide whether the power was derived from the clause in the Constitution, or was the necessary consequence of the right to acquire. They do decide that the power in Congress is unquestionable, and in this we entirely concur, and nothing will be found in this opinion to the contrary. The power stands firmly on the latter alternative put by the court that is, as "the inevitable consequence of the right to acquire territory." And what still more clearly demonstrates that the court did not mean to decide the question, but leave it open for future consideration, is the fact that the case was decided in the Circuit Court by Mr. Justice Johnson, and his decision was affirmed by the Supreme Court. His opinion at the circuit is given in full in a note to the case, and in that opinion he states, in explicit terms, that the clause of the Constitution applies only to the territory then within the limits of the United States, and not to Florida, which had been acquired by cession from Spain. This part of his opinion will be found in the note in page 517 of the report. But he does not dissent from the opinion of the Supreme Court; thereby showing that, in his judgment, as well as that of the court, the case before them did not call for a decision on that particular point, and the court abstained from deciding it. And in a part of its opinion subsequent to the passage we have quoted, where the court speak of the legislative power of Congress in Florida, they still speak with the same reserve. And in page 546, speaking of the power of Congress to authorize the territorial legislature to establish courts there, the court say: "They are legislative courts, created in virtue of the general right of sovereignty which exists in the government, or in virtue of that clause which enables Congress to make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory belonging to the United States." It has been said that the construction given to this clause is new, and now for the first time brought forward. The case of which we are speaking, and which has been so much discussed, shows that the fact is otherwise. It shows that precisely the same question came before Mr. Justice Johnson, at his circuit, thirty years ago was fully considered by him, and the same construction given to the clause in the Constitution which is now given by this court. And that upon an appeal from his decision the same question was brought before this court, but was not decided because a de may mislead or be misled by taking out a single sentence from the opinion of a court, and leaving out of view what precedes and follows. It is in page 546, near the close of the opinion, in which the court say: "In legislating for them" (the territories of the United States), "Congress exercises the combined powers of the general and of a state government." And it is said, that as a state may unquestionably prohibit slavery within its territory, this sentence decides in effect that Congress may do the same in a territory of the United States, exercising there the powers of a state, as well as the power of the general government. The examination of this passage in the case referred to, would be more appropriate when we come to consider in another part of this opinion what power Congress can constitutionally exercise in a territory, over the rights of person or rights of property of a citizen. But, as it is in the same case with the passage we have before commented on, we dispose of it now, as it will save the court from the necessity of referring again to the case. And it will be seen upon reading the page in which this sentence is found, that it has no reference whatever to the power of Congress over rights of person or rights of property-but relates altogether to the power of establishing judicial tribunals to administer the laws constitutionally passed, and defining the jurisdiction they may exercise. The law of Congress establishing a territorial government in Florida, provided that the legislature of the territory should have legislative powers over "all rightfu ightful objects of legislation; but no law should be valid which was inconsistent with the laws and Constitution of the United States." Under the power thus conferred, the legis lature of Florida passed an act, erecting a tribunal at Key West to decide cases of salvage. And in the case of which we are speaking, the question arose whether the territorial legislature could be authorized by Congress to establish such a tribunal, with such powers; and one of the parties, among other objections, insisted that Congress could not under the Constitution authorize the legislature of the ter ritory to establish such a tribunal with such powers, but that it must be established by Congress itself; and that a sale of cargo made under its order, to pay salvors, was void, as made without legal authority, and passed no property to the purchaser. It is in disposing of this objection that the sentence relied on occurs, and the court begin that part of the opinion by stating with great precision the point which they are about to decide. They say: "It has been contended that by the Constitution of the United States, the judicial power of the United States extends diction; and that the whole of the judicial power must be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as Congress shall from time to time ordain and establish.' Hence it has been argued that Congress cannot vest admiralty jurisdiction in courts created by the territorial legislature." And after thus clearly stating the point before them, and which they were about to decide, they proceed to show that these territorial tribunals were not constitutional courts, but merely legislative, and that Congress might, therefore, delegate the power to the territorial government to establish the other and different provisions of the Constitution, altogether separate and apart from the one above mentioned. The question as to what courts Congress may ordain or establish in a territory to administer laws which the Constitution authorizes it to pass, and what laws it is or is not authorized by the Constitution to pass, are widely different are regulated by different and separate articles of the Constitution, and stand upon different principles. And we are satisfied that no one who reads attentively the page in Peters' Reports to which we have referred, can suppose that the attention of the court was drawn for a court in question; and they conclude that moment to the question now before this court, part of the opinion in the following words: or that it meant in that case to say that Con"Although admiralty jurisdiction can be ex-gress had a right to prohibit a citizen of the ercised in the states in those courts only United States from taking any property which which are established in pursuance of the he lawfully held into a territory of the United third article of the Constitution, the same States. limitation does not extend to the territories. This brings us to examine by what provi In legislating for them, Congress exercises the combined powers of the general and state governments." Thus it will be seen by these quotations from the opinion, that the court, after stating the question it was about to decide in a manner too plain to be misunderstood, proceeded to decide it, and announced, as the opinion of the tribunal, that in organizing the judicial department of the government in a territory of the United States, Congress does not act under, and is not restricted by, the third article in the Constitution, and is not bound, in a territory, to ordain and establish courts in which the judges hold their offices during good behavior, but may exercise the discretionary power which a state exercises in establishing its judicial department, and regulating the jurisdiction of its courts, and may authorize the territorial government to establish, or may itself establish, courts in which the judges hold their offices for a term of years only; and may vest in them judicial power upon subjects confided to the judiciary of the United States. And in doing this, Congress undoubtedly exercises the combined power of the general and a state government. It exercises the discretionary power of a state government in authorizing the establishment of a court in which the judges hold their appointments for a term of years only, and not during good behavior; and it exercises the power of the general government in investing that court with admiralty jurisdiction, over which the general government had exclusive jurisdiction in the territory. sion of the Constitution the present federal government, under its delegated and restricted powers, is authorized to acquire territory outside of the original limits of the United States, and what powers it may exercise therein over the person or property of a citizen of the United States, while it remains a territory, and until it shall be admitted as one of the states of the Union. There is certainly no power given by the Constitution to the federal government to establish or maintain colonies bordering on the United States or at a distance, to be ruled and governed at its own pleasure; nor to enlarge its territorial limits in any way, except by the admission of new states. That power is plainly given; and if a new state is admitted, it needs no further legislation by Congress, because the Constitution itself defines the relative rights and powers, and duties of the state, and the citizens of the state, and the federal government. But no power is given to acquire a territory to be held and governed permanently in that character. And indeed the power exercised by Congress to acquire territory and establish a government there, according to its own unlimited discretion, was viewed with great jealousy by the leading statesmen of the day. And in the Federalist, (No. 38), written by Mr. Madison, he speaks of the acquisition of the Northwestern Territory by the confederated states, by the cession from Virginia, and the establishment of a government there, as an exercise of power not warranted by the Articles of Confederation, and dangerous to the liberties of the people. And he urges the adoption of the Constitution as a security and safeguard against such an exercise of power. We do not mean, however, to question the power of Congress in this respect. The power article of the Constitution, in relation to the by the admission of new states, is plainly judiciary of the United States, and the power given; and in the construction of this power which Congress might exercise in a territory by all the departments of the government, it in organizing the judicial department of the has been held to authorize the acquisition of No one, we presume, will question the correctness of that opinion; nor is there anything in conflict with it in the opinion now given. The point decided in the case cited has no relation to the question now before the court. That depended on the construction of the third to expand the territory of the United States, |