sentences, we ought to ask ourselves, what is there in it for us? There is nothing in it for us unless we can translate it into terms of our own condition, and of our own lives. We must reduce it to what the lawyers call a bill of particulars. It contains a bill of particulars—the bill of particulars of 1776—and, if we are to revitalize it, we are to fill it with a bill of particulars of 1914.

Every idea has got to be started by somebody and it is a lonely thing to start anything. Yet, you have got to start it if there is any man's blood in you, and if you love the country that you are pretending to work for. I am sometimes very much interested in seeing gentlemen supposing that popularity is the way to success in America. The way to success in America is to show you are not afraid of anybody except God and his judgment. If I did not believe that, I would not believe in democracy. If I did not believe that, I would not believe people could govern themselves. If I did not believe that the moral judgment would be the last and final judgment in the minds of men as well as the tribunal of God, I could not believe in popular government. But I do believe in these things and therefore I earnestly believe in the democracy, not only of America, but in the power of an awakened people to govern and control its own affairs. So it is very inspiring to come to this that may be called the original fountain of liberty and independence in America, and take these drafts of patriotic feelings which seem to renew the very blood in a man's veins.

No man could do the work he has to do in Washington if he allows himself to feel lonely. He has to make himself feel he is part of the people of the United States, and then he can not feel lonely. And my dream is this, that as the years go on and the world knows more and more of America, it also will bring out this fountain of youth and renewal, that it will also turn to America for those moral inspirations that lie at the base of human freedom, that it will never fear America unless it finds itself engaged in

some enterprise inconsistent with the right of humanity; that America will come to that day when all shall know she puts human rights above all other rights and that her. flag is the flag, not only of America, but the flag of humanity.

What other great people, I ask, has devoted itself to this exalted ideal? To what other nation in the world can you look for instant sympathy that thrills the whole body politic when men anywhere are fighting for their rights?

I don't know that there ever will be another Declaration of Independence, a statement of grievances of mankind; but I believe if any such document is ever drawn, it will be drawn in the spirit of the American Declaration of Independence, and that America has lifted the light that will shine unto all generations and guide the feet of mankind to the goal of justice, liberty, and peace.

18. Nicholas Murray Butler (1862- ), one of America's foremost educators, is president of Columbia University. As a member of the New Jersey State Board of Education he introduced manual training into the schools of New Jersey. He founded the New York College for the Training of Teachers, which is now a part of Columbia University. He is editor of the Educational Review and has written many articles on educational subjects, some of which have been collected and published in a volume called The Meaning of Education. A characteristic extract follows:

CHANGES OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY

(From "Democracy and Education" in The Meaning of Education. An address delivered before the National Educational Association at Buffalo, New York, July 7, 1896)

The material advances made since the present century opened are more numerous and more striking than the sum total of those that all previous history records. We find it difficult even to imagine the world of our grandfathers, and almost impossible to appreciate or understand it. Without the factory, without the manifold products

and applications of steam and electricity, without even the newspaper and the sulphur match, the details of our daily life would be strangely different. In our time wholly new mechanical and economic forces are actively at work, and have already changed the appearance of the earth's surface. What another hundred years may bring forth no one dares to predict.

The scientific progress of the century is no less marvellous and no less revolutionary in its effects than the material advances. The geology of Lyell, the astronomy of Herschel, the biology of von Baer, of Darwin, and of Huxley, the physiology of Müller, the physics of Helmholtz and of Roentgen, are already a part of the common knowledge of educated men. To us the world and its constitution present an appearance very different from that which was familiar to our ancestors.

But most striking and impressive of all movements of the century is the political development toward the form of government known as democracy. Steadily and doggedly throughout the ten decades the movement toward democracy has gone its conquering way. When the century opened democracy was a chimera. It had been attempted in Greece and Rome and again in the Middle Ages; and the reflecting portion of mankind believed it to be a failure. Whatever its possibilities in a small and homogeneous community, it was felt to be wholly inapplicable to large states. The contention that government could be carried on by what Mill called collective mediocrity rather than by the intelligent few, was felt to be preposterous. The horrible spectre of the French Revolution was fresh in the minds of men. The United States, hardly risen from their cradle, were regarded by the statesmen of Europe with a curiosity, partly amused, partly disdainful. Germany was governed by an absolute monarch, the grand-nephew of the great Frederick himself. In England a constitutional oligarchy, with Pitt at its head, was firmly intrenched in power. The Napoleonic reaction was in full swing in France. How different will be the spectacle when the twentieth century opens! In Great

Britain one far-reaching reform after another has left standing only the shell of oligarchy; the spirit and support of British civilization are democratic. Despite the influence of Bismarck and the two Williams, great progress is being made toward the democratization of Germany. France, after a period of unexampled trouble and unrest, has founded a successful and apparently stable republic. The United States have disappointed every foe and falsified the predictions of every hostile critic. The governmental framework constructed by the fathers for less than four millions of people, scattered along a narrow strip of seaboard, has expanded easily to meet the needs of a diverse population twenty times as large, gathered into great cities and distributed over an empire of seacoast, mountain, plain, and forest. It has withstood the shock of the greatest civil war of all time, fought by men of high intelligence and determined convictions. It has permitted the development and expansion of a civilization in which there is equality of opportunity for all, and where the highest civil and military honors have been thrust upon the children of the plain people by their grateful fellow-citizens.

19. Edward Alsworth Ross (1866- ), professor of sociology at the University of Wisconsin, is one of the most brilliant of the younger university writers. His literary style is picturesque, original, and compelling, and he has undoubtedly a "gift of the right word." His writings are stimulating and should be enjoyed by the young. reader. Besides magazine articles, he has written Social Control, Sin and Society, The Changing Chinese, and Changing America.

CHINA TO THE RANGING EYE

(From The Changing Chinese, Chapter I)

China is the European Middle Ages made visible. All the cities are walled and the walls and gates have been kept in repair with an eye to their effectiveness. The mandarin has his headquarters only in a walled fortress-city and to its shelter he retires when a sudden tempest of rebellion vexes the peace of his district.

No memory of China is more haunting than that of the everlasting blue cotton garments. The common people wear coarse deep-blue "nankeen." The gala dress is a cotton gown of a delicate bird's-egg blue or a silk jacket of rich hue. In cold weather the poor wear quilted cotton, while the well-to-do keep themselves warm with fur-lined garments of silk. A general adoption of Western dress would bring on an economic crisis, for the Chinese are not ready to rear sheep on a great scale and it will be long before they can supply themselves with wool. The Chinese jacket is fortunate in opening at the side instead of at the front. When the winter winds of Peking gnaw at you with Siberian teeth, you realize how stupid is our Western way of cutting a notch right down through overcoat, coat, and vest, apparently in order that the cold may do its worst to the tender throat and chest. On seeing the sensible Chinaman bring his coat squarely across his front and fasten it on his shoulder, you feel like an exposed totemworshiper.

Wherever stone is to be had, along or spanning the main roads are to be seen the memorial arches known as pailows, erected by imperial permission to commemorate some deed or life of extraordinary merit. It is significant that when they proclaim achievement, it is that of the scholar, not that of the warrior. They enclose a central gateway flanked by two and sometimes by four smaller gateways and conform closely to a few standard types, all of real beauty.

In South-China cities a tall moat-girt building, six or seven stories high, flat-topped and with small windows high up, towers over the mean houses like a mediæval donjon keep. It is the pawnshop, which also serves the public as bank and safety deposit vault for the reason that it can for some hours bid defiance to any robber attack. In the larger centers sumptuous guild-halls are to be

seen.

In the absence of good roads and draft animals the utmost use has been made of the countless waterways and there are probably as many boats in China as in all the