smallest village to the powers of the sovereign and his ministers; and it is true enough, that they were disposed to use this power so as to fnsure the triumph of the particular opinions they entertained; and their example has been followed by every government which has succeeded it for the space of thirty years. Each has made its arrangements according to its own peculiar views, and brought into power the men who appeared most favourable to its designs. But the popularity, and consequently the stability, of government, is never to be judged of by the sentiments of those who conduct it, either in the executive departments, or in the legislative assemblies; but by one or other of those criteria:-1st, by the degree of influence which the people are allowed to possess in elections-which may be called the theoretical test; and, 2dly, the usual or uniform result of political dissensions, when the aid of foreign troops has not been called in to settle the dispute-which is the test of practice. Circumstances may concur to throw doubt upon the indications of either of these tests, taken separately-but where they coincide, and especially for any considerable period of time, the conclusion may be taken as infallible.

Were we to estimate the strength of the ruling party in France, from the number of its adherents who hold office, or sit in the legislative bodies, we should suppose it to be immense. If, on the contrary, we judge of it by past events, by the numbers of its avowed opponents, and by the efforts which it is compelled to make to preserve its ascendency, we should soon be convinced that its weakness is really extreme, and that the fabric of government is liable to be overthrown by the slightest accident. Many people are inclined to believe, that it is to the Revolution that the overthrow of the aristocracy, and the minute division of landed property, are to be ascribed; but nothing can be more erroneous. It was not the philosophers nor the Jacobins that destroyed the power of the nobility; it was legitimate kings and their ministers, Louis XIII. and XIV., Cardinal Richelieu and their successors. In 1789, the true aristocratic influence was already extinct; the Constituent Assembly merely proclaimed its fall; and abolished the name, when the thing itself had ceased to exist. The slender remnant of aristocracy, the possessors of names once potent, were so sensible of their helplessness, that they made no attempt to resist the torrent. Some, whose talents and virtues gave them an influence independent of their rank, at once declared for the new order of things; others submitted in silence, or sought refuge in the ranks of foreign armies-but none attempted opposition. France had afterwards to sustain a war of twenty-five years; but in all her vicissitudes of victory and defeat, the party which is now the ruling one remained unnoticed,—or was known only as the tool of foreigners, and following in the wake of their armies.

A deputy of the opposition has said, that the Bourbons were received with distrust by the French nation in 1814; but this, we think, is a mistake. The members of the old National Assemblies-the possessors of national property, who remembered the old régime, might perhaps feel some distrust; but the bulk of the nation, those who had taken no leading part in the early events of the Revolution, and those whose recollections did not extend forty years back, were certainly influenced by no such feelings. The former had forgotten the Bourbons entirely; the latter had never known them. It was a singular spectacle to see, on the first restoration, some of the old partisans of the family labouring to excite the enthusiasm of the people for their ancient masters; and to mark the naivete and indifference

with which men of thirty and thirty-five years of age asked them-" Who is Louis XIII.? Who is the Count d'Artois? Are they near relations of Louis XVI.? Are they married? Have they children? Whence do they come? What did they do during the Revolution?"-and similar questions, which showed at once how completely they had forgotten the od dynasty, and with what indifference they witnessed its restoration. But this forgetfulness had one good effect-it induced many to give credit to the first promises made by government. This credulity, which is inherent in every people among whom principle is respected, and the oppression which the nation had experienced during the last years of the Imperial government, even gave the Bourbons a temporary popularity.

But the Holy Alliance was not then in existence; and the Northern Monarchs, on their entry into Paris, had declared themselves favourable to the liberty of the people. The faction which now engrosses power, and appears so formidable, was still unnoticed. In the Chamber of Deputies it had no influence; and its existence was indicated only by private ntriguesby secret menaces against the members of the first Legislative Assembly, and the possessors of the national property-and by the declanatory invectives of a contemptible journal. The Court, however, was secretly promoting the views of this party-weeding out by degrees from the army the old generals who possessed the confidence of the soldiers, anc replacing them by emigrants who had fought in the ranks of the enemy, or the leaders of those bands which, during the Revolution, were known by the name of Chouans. It was in these circumstances that Bonaparte re-appeared on the coast of France, and rallied around him the peasants who trembled for their property under the Bourbon government-the workmen whose industry had been stimulated by the effect of restrictive commercial lavs-and the soldiers who were sent to oppose him.

Where were the partisans of the old regime at this critical moment ?— the men who conceive that they form an aristocracy, because they advance magnificent pretensions, and look with contempt on knowledge? Did they fly to arms? Did they rally round them their dependants and vassals-the cultivators of their estates or even their servants? No, they all sought safety in flight; and yet on this occasion they had no reason to dread the fury of a popular insurrection. The great body of the nation, the merchants, the men of property and intelligence, witnessed the return of Bonaparte, not with joy but terror. Even the peasants, while they rose in some departments, threatened no one with outrage. Why then did these devoted adherents of legitimate monarchy, who are now said to form the mass of the nation, surrender the cause without striking a blow in its defence? How was it possible that a government, which had at its disposal a revenue of nearly a thousand millions of francs, which possessed the exclusive appointment to offices, and the unlimited direction of the Journals, and every means by which public opinion is influenced, should be overturned without a drop of bloodshed? It was, as it could be, only because its supporters were utterly contemptible, and incapable of resistance. The greater part of this pretended aristocracy had done nothing but talk of their wretchedness since the return of the Bourbons. They were represented by their organ, the Vicomte of Chateaubriand, "se réchauffant aux rayons du soleil de leur patrie, comine des mendians Espagnols,-seul bien que leur ont procuré la restauration de la dynastic légitime." But misery is seldom a strong prin

ciple of devotion in any country, particularly when it is coupled with insolent pretension.

Finding the support of their nobility hopeless, and deserted by the army, the Bourbons looked elsewhere for assistance. The twelve legions of the National Guard of Paris, amounting to about 30,000 men, were assembled in their quarters; and the Count d'Artois was deputed to make a last appeal to their feelings in favour of the legitimate monarchy. He traversed their ranks accordingly, followed by his aides-de-camp, and loudly invoked the assistance of the men who had long been devoted to his family. His efforts were unavailing. The Guards preserved a mournful silence, and continued immovable. Only four or five individuals stepped forward from the ranks -and instantly stepped back again, as if ashamed of the insignificance of their number! At Lyons a similar experiment was made, with no better success. The Count d'Artois, on that occasion, was deserted even by his suite, and would have returned alone to Paris, but for the devotion of a single gendarme, who disdained to leave him in that situation-and who soon afterwards received from Bonaparte the star of the Legion of Honour for this piece of courageous fidelity. All were not equally indifferent, it is true. Sone pupils of the Ecole de Droit took arms-the Deputies and opposition writers did what they could to prop the falling cause: but all was unavailing The grandees, who had been created by the Abbé de Montesquieu, some months before, to form a Chambers of Peers, quietly retired from their seats; and one of them, who had been an uniform supporter of the measures of Government, remarked, on his retreat-" Il était évident que cela devait arriver; depuis leur retour, ces gens-là n'ont fait que des sottises."

At last the battle of Waterloo brought into Paris the English, Belgian, Dutch, and Prussian troops;-the armies of Austria came up, though tardily, from the East-that of Spain from the South; all the troops of Europe, in a word (not even excepting those of Switzerland), poured in upon France. In the rear of these armies came again the monarchy-men, eager for vengeance and for plunder-and ready to throw themselves on France as on a prey which Europe had given them to devour. Those who had not fled, then peeped from their hiding-places. Their wives and daughters were seen mingling with the invading armies; affectionately pressing hands still red with the blood of their countrymen, and blending their cries of joy with the thunder of the mines, which announced the destruction of the public monuments.*

The Chamber of Deputies, which existed at the flight of the Bourbons, was now dissolved, as too moderate; and the ruling faction, which had atalready made itself master of all public employments, formed a Chamber which has acquired a disgraceful celebrity in France, under the title of the Chamber of 1815. This assembly, in which the whole force of the opposition was reduced to three or four members who were not allowed to speak, distinguished itself only by its proscriptions-which it was pleased to term amnesties-by some absurd and atrocious laws, which government was afterwards obliged to repeal, and by the formation of projects which it never found time to execute. The faction so lately unheard of, now appeared omnipotent. It encountered no opposition within the walls of the Cham

* One of the handsomest bridges in Paris was mined by the Prussians and only saved, it is said, by the interference of the Duke of Wellington.

ber, nor without. But, to show on how unsubstantial a foundation its power actually rested, it is only necessary to add, that as soon as it threatened the life of a favourite, who had recently been elevated to the ministry, it sunk at once, and was annihilated by the dissolution of the Chamber. This terrible aristocracy, that seemed to rule with a rod of iron one of the greatest of the continental nations, and to overturn at its pleasure any party that professed principles different from its own, was dissipated like smoke by the breath of M. Decazes! Another and a more complaisant Chamber succeeded it; for it was, in substance, chosen by the minister himself,-the prefects having been authorised by an ordonnance to choose the electoral bodies as they should see proper.

The fall of the Imperial dynasty had left France still unprovided with any political institutions. Every thing had been organised to suit the action of a military despotism. In 1817, the more intelligent friends of the Bourbon family, convinced, that this dynasty could not subsist without the support of some mixture of popular and aristocratical establishments, framed an election law, conferring the right of voting on every citizen above thirty years of age who paid taxes to the amount of 300 francs. This law was certainly not democratical; but, on the contrary, decidedly aristocratical in its principle; since it limited the elective franchise to about 90,000 individuals, out of a population of about thirty millions. Thus, only one individual out of every 350 had the right of voting; and even that was fettered by certain qualifications. The vote could be given only in favour of a person at least forty years of age, and paying 1000 francs of direct taxes. This system excluded from all influence and participation in public affairs the great body of the nation, and many even of the more enlightened classes of society, men of small landed property, capitalists, annuitants, physicians, lawyers, and men of letters. But still it called into action a fair proportion of the intelligence and independence of the nation. In the large commercial towns, it led to the choice of men of extensive influence, from their industry or their capital; in the agricultural departments, to that of great landed proprietors; and in towns possessing universities and literary institutions, of distinguished advocates and men of letters. To speak correctly, the members elected formed generally the true aristocracy of the class to which they belonged. A Chamber thus elected might naturally be supposed to be equally free from democratic extravagance and ministerial servility.

But while France was thus approximating towards a legal government, and while order was gradually re-establishing itself within its bosom, the Holy Alliance was proscribing all popular institutions, and watching with jealousy the progress the nations were making towards liberty. The favourite minister, who, in order to save himself, had obtained the dissolution of the Chamber of 1815, began to find that the law of 1817 did not furnish him with deputies sufficiently complaisant. He was annoyed also by the liberty of the press for it laughed at his inefficiency, and exposed his little intrigues; so that he was perfectly disposed to revive the old system of arbitrary government whenever the opportunity should occur. And the opportunity soon presented itself, A congress was summoned the Holy Alliance levelled its whole force against the institutions of Germany, and particularly those connected with the liberty of the press and the Universities. As to France, the task of restoring arbitrary power was intrusted to the government itself, and to the faction which had been dispersed by the ordonnance of the 5th of September, 1816; and, under the auspices of the

modern Amphictyons, they proceeded boldly with the work. Three laws were proposed at once; the first destroyed the liberty of the press, the second the liberty of the subject, and the third secured the two others, by repealing the election law of 1817.

Public opinion was violently agitated by the discussions which took place relative to these laws; but it was the debate on the system of election which peculiarly displayed the character of the faction which had re-possessed itself of power, and the nature of the force which was opposed to it. Meetings, at first in small numbers, took place in different parts of Paris; these increased, as the discussion became more animated, till their numbers at last amounted to 25,000 or 30,000 men. But in all this immense multitude scarcely a single individual belonging to the labouring classes was to be found. The whole of those who took a part in the discussions belonged to the upper and middle ranks of society; and consisted of men above thirty years of age. It may be fairly said, indeed, that they embraced all the intelligent and independent inhabitants of that great city. Beyond the walls of the Chamber not a single voice was found to support the laws projected by the Holy Alliance. These assemblies were not dispersed by means of the National Guard; the troops, which had shown symptoms of attachment to popular principles were all marched out at night. The gendarmes and the dragoons were put in requisition. Artillery was placed in the principal squares of Paris-the opposition Deputies were publicly insulted by the royal body guard-some were even threatened with assassination; and by the employment of means like these, and a liberal allowance of bribery, the election laws were at length overturned, by a majority of five voices! even this trifling majority would not have been obtained, had not two fifths of the Chamber consisted of Deputies elected by the Colleges formed in virtue of a royal ordonnance in 1816.

And

We shall not here mention the conspiracies, civil and military, and the partial insurrections which took place during this period; these, we admit, might have existed under a good government, and afford no fair index of the sentiments of the nation. We shall merely state one circumstance, which shows very plainly the idea which the ruling faction entertained of its own weakness. When the Italian Revolution took place, and had spread into Piedmont, the Chamber of Deputies in France was assembled. The news of the Revolution having reached Paris, M. Dudon, one of the most violent members of the côte droit, mounted the tribune, and declared in his own name and that of his honourable friends, that as, in all probability, they had now the honour of sitting for the last time among the Deputies of the nation, they thought themselves bound to state to the public the views by which they had been actuated. The solemnity of this last speech excited considerable amusement among the Deputies of the côté gauche; but the defeat of the Neapolitans by the Austrian armies restored life to the expiring faction.

In order to form an idea of the existing state of France, and to appreciate the extent of the force which the Holy Alliance can really calculate on in that country, it was necessary to recapitulate thus shortly the circumstances which have brought France into her present situation, and placed power in the hands of the ruling party of the day. We have seen that this party has been a mere nothing whenever it has been brought into contact with the popular party, unsupported by the presence of foreign armies; that in fact there never was any thing in France itself that deserved the name of a