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to go?" First of all, because I think the best Americans owe most to America, and because I think that you want to get your best men irrespective of party, faith and creed, men who will be ready to stand up and say: "Look here, we are exposing ourselves to ridicule or the risk of ridicule. We know we have to take a month of very precious time, we know we have to show our ignorance of foreign languages; but are we not the sons of those men who under that Star Spangled Banner fought and died?" Are you worthy sons of those great forefathers, if you would not take a little trouble for the sake of the Peace of the world? (Applause.) My friends, this is an important occasion, and I want to say to you quite frankly and squarely that on the question of your response to this appeal and on the opportunity I have of putting this before you now, depends, more than you can realize, the results to be accomplished at the Hague Conference; and when I say that, I am speaking not only my belief, but the unanimous opinion of all the best informed people in Europe.

Now, we want these twelve men and twelve women to be backed up by everybody that is anybody in the United States. We want them to go to President Roosevelt and Secretary Root and say, "We represent the wishes that have been voiced in this great Conference, we represent the aspirations of the American people for Peace." I know that President Roosevelt and Secretary Root will be delighted to have an opportunity to aid in this great work.

From Washington the pilgrims will come to New York, where I am sure you will give them a great send-off as they start on their mission of Peace.

From New York they would sail for Southampton or Liverpool. I had a letter only yesterday from the secretary of the committee over there, in which he said they would be glad to receive your representatives, and have twelve of our best men and our best women ready to join them, and go on the pilgrimage. When they come to London they will be received. with all honor; they will go to your Ambassador, who will present them to our Monarch, whose heart is sound and good for all that is beautiful and peaceful. They will see our Ministers, who will hold a great demonstration in which the British and American pilgrims will be joined by Scandinavians, and from

London they will cross over to Paris and there make a stand; and I tell you there is no man whose heart is more responsive to an appeal made in the name of humanity and fraternity than is that of the President of the great French nation. They will be received by the President of the Republic, by the Parisian Municipality; they will be feted, not as conquerors, but as brothers coming with messages of good-will and hope, and with twelve French pilgrims they will go forth to Geneva, and there be joined by twelve pilgrims; from there they will go to Vienna and Buda Pesth, adding twelve to their number in each place; then on to St. Petersburg to meet the Czar and salute the Duma, the first constitutional representative assemblage Russia has had; then turning eastward, they will come to Berlin, and from Berlin to Brussels, and from Brussels to The Hague; and there, in the name of the united international world, they will present their petitions before The Hague delegates.

I come to ask you for your help. I remember that the statue of Lafayette was raised by the school children of America, and I want the whole cost of that pilgrimage to be paid for by the youth of America. "A child shall lead" and a child may pay the bill, and you can do it, you, my friends, not merely those in this hall, but the millions of American youth in whose hearts faith has not died out, if you only bind yourselves together, each under your teacher and your own school, in order to raise the two hundred thousand dollars that is necessary to finance the pilgrimage. With this last word I will sit down.

If it be the will of God, it can be done. I remember in the Middle Ages long ago, Peter the Hermit proclaimed a great pilgrimage and summoned all the children to rally to the defense of the place where Christ had lain. I summon you as did Peter the Hermit, and I ask you to join me. God wills it, God wills it, and God helping, we will do it. (Applause.)


Whenever the day and the hour come, I can promise for the children of New York that they will take the lead. (Applause.) Let me in a single word, on behalf of the children of the New York schools, and on behalf of the teachers of the New York schools, and on behalf of the Board of Education of the City of New York, thank the ladies and gentlemen who have spoken

here this afternoon; who have spoken words that have sunk deep into our hearts, and which we shall carry to every school, and to every other teacher and every other pupil in this great city of


After the singing of "America," the audience will be dismissed. I am going to trespass upon your patience, and ask you to sit in your seats and see the Public School children dismissed as they would be dismissed in a Public School. (Dr. Maxwell here gave instructions as to which section should pass out first and which section should pass out last, and which aisles they should use in making their exits.)

Now, as America is never more glorious than when leading in Peace, I ask this audience to sing our old song "America" as it never was sung before.




Tuesday Evening, April 16, at 8.15



LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: This evening has been set apart that the voice of the colleges and universities of the civilized world may be heard.

The participation of the institutions of higher learning in this Congress was inevitable. Of all modern institutions the universities stand first and foremost as responsible representatives of the highest ideals of the people. Their task is, in part by instruction, in part by research and publication, and in part by example, to make manifest the significance of civilization and to extend and uplift it.

Scholarship, science, knowledge are varying names for the instrument with which universities work. Scholarship, science, knowledge are truly international. They know no limitations of speech and no political boundaries can contain or restrain them. They serve to unite and to unify mankind as no other agency or power has ever been able to do. Of necessity, because of their origin in the depths of the spirit and their aim in highest human aspiration, they offer generous and enthusiastic co-operation in the cause which this Congress is called to promote. To exalt righteousness and reason, to bring brute force and passion under the rule of reflective judgment and moral feeling, are the aims of those who band together to advance the cause of arbitration in the settlement of international disputes and the cause of peace between nations, that the standard of living may be elevated, the character of the people refined and exalted, and the knowledge of truth made more widespread and controlling.

Very frequently in these public discussions we hear poor


use made of a noble sentiment. A favorite and striking phrase of those who participate in public discussions on war and peace is, "Infamous the nation which does not make all possible sacrifice for its moral integrity," and that sentiment is made to serve as an excuse, a foundation, for wanton militarism. No man can so interpret that phrase to-day without misinterpreting the feeling of any civilized people for whom he may presume to speak. It is a full generation since the nations of Western Europe, in particular, have stained their hands with war against each other.

At no time in history has economic and industrial progress been so rapid as during this era of peace. Never before has the condition of labor been so much improved, the opportunities for the profitable use of capital so largely multiplied or the influence of education extended with such rapidity and power. Believe me, my friends, with this state of affairs the great mass of the people of Europe, like the great mass of the people of America, are absolutely satisfied. They are rapidly outgrowing, if they have not already outgrown, the barbaric childishness of the era of the duel, whether between individuals or between nations.

Surely, the moral integrity of a nation is shown not by surrender to militarism, but by stern resistance to it. Defense against assault is the privilege and duty of a nation, as it is the privilege and duty of an individual. Defensive armaments are not evidences of militarism. Exaggerated armaments which, by their very existence are an invitation to offensive use, are an evidence of militarism. Infamous, indeed, is the nation which will not sacrifice everything for its moral integrity; but it will find its moral integrity in following the teachings of ethics and the exhortations of reason, and to these teachings and exhortations the universities give constant and emphatic voice.

It is appropriate that the first formal word to be spoken to-night should be said by a representative of that university which is famed wherever English is spoken, and of which Matthew Arnold once said that whatever faults it might have, it has never delivered itself over to the Philistine.

To speak to this great audience in behalf of the ancient University of Oxford I have the honor to present the Principal of Jesus College, Pro-Vice Chancellor of the University of Oxford, and I take great pleasure in adding-a warm personal friend (applause) Dr. John Rhys.

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