State to undertake again any industrial duties.-Relation of the State to Industrial Action, 68.

72. The Federation of Labor said nothing about civil service reform or about the destruction of the ginmill [in its labor creed, as given in note 54 of this chapter]. Yet, without the completion of these two reforms, every step that is in the direction of placing new powers in the hands of public officials will be viewed with the greatest distrust by the people. We believe in public ownership of telegraphs, telephones, and railroads, and municipal ownership of street-car lines; but if the ginmills are to continue to create Tammany Halls in all parts of the country, and pothouse politicians, like some of the police captains and commissioners of New York and other cities, are to be managers of the railroad and telegraph systems, we for one want to stop right where we are and look the ground over a while longer.-The Voice, January 3, 1895. Being in a railroad town, the terminus of five divisions of various roads, when this chapter was edited, we found the railroad employees (whose voice in this matter will be influential, if not decisive) opposed to government ownership on the ground that it would make their life positions the sport and spoil of politicians—showing the need of emphasizing civil service reform as an essential part of the plan. On the relation of civil service to government ownership of railways, etc., see Ely, Socialism, etc., 287.

73. See Ely's Economics, 304. Professor Ely objects to government paying for the railways what it would cost to duplicate them rather than market value on the ground that “it would make a portion of the community bear the entire burden of a false public policy."-Socialism, etc., 290. Those who think the only argument they need to bring against government ownership of railways is to cry "socialism," will be surprised to find that the Fabian Essays (p. 251) argue not only that such ownership does not imply socialism, but also that it may be adverse to it. See next note also.

74. The strongest argument against the purchase of railroads by our government comes from the standpoint of a complete socialist, in the Fabian Essays (pp. xv, xvi, xvii): Governmental ownership of railways would involve the payment of several thousand million dollars to the present owners of railway securities, all of which must seek reinvestment. Nationalization of railways in the United States would mean the immediate expropriation of all small capitalists by the big ones causing the crystallization of all capital invested in the other industries in the hands of such a comparatively small number of owners that the advent of socialism would certainly be almost instantaneous." This argument would not apply to government directorship of railroads.

75. The English nation, after a trial of free competition and no interference, as thorough as could well be made, has undeniably returned to the principle of governmental activity, which she had abandoned—a principle which recognizes as the function of the state the protection of the citizens and the furtherance of their material and social well-being, by every law and every activity which offers a reasonable guarantee of contributing to that end.-Ely, Outlines of Economics, 52. We believe that government, like every other intelligent agency, is bound to do good to the extent of its ability; that it ought actively to promote and increase the general well-being; that it should encourage and foster industry, science, invention, intellectual, social, and physical progress.-Horace Greeley, 1850.

76. Our railroads have generally been able to do pretty much as they pleased with our little legislature in this big State, with its small number of Senators and Assemblymen, and they have usually dictated the make-up of the railroad committees in both houses.—New York Tribune. See on general subject of control of legislation by corporations, Ely's Socialism, etc., 282-284. The passage of the railroad pooling bill through the House of Representatives in 1895 is ominous. Mr. Bryan took the position that every thoughtful man must favor the protection of the public either by competition or by public interference, and that the demand for public interference, not to secure low rates for the public, but to secure high rates for the road, was anomalous. Although the legislatures of 1895 were so-called "Reform Legislatures," elected by the landslide vote of 1894, they earned the reputation of being tools not only of the saloons, but also of the corporations, beyond all their predecessors-especially the legislatures of New York, New Jersey, Illinois, Wisconsin, Missouri, and Arkansas. In discussing municipal reform, the toughs and immigrants receive too much of the censure. The so

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called "best citizens are more to blame, one set of them for not voting, another set for corrupting, by their secret traffic in franchises, the city government. The corporations that furnish the funds, and the saloons through which they are dispensed, are the pillars on which the political boss erects his throne."

77. President E. B. Andrews doubtless represents an unorganized many when he declares himself in favor of a reversed Fabianism, in which industrial individualism is to be retained as far as safely possible, instead of socialism being the favored side. He says: "Let us resort to State agency only when, and so far as, this is rendered necessary by the power and disposition on the part of individuals and corporations to maltreat the public at large."-President E. B. Andrews, Wealth and Moral Law, III. See also 47.

78. As a sample of such an alliance, at Davenport, Ia., I twice addressed the public under the auspices of a movement to secure "Sunday rest" which was started by Jewish clerks with the concurrence of their rabbi. They enlisted as the second line of battle the Knights of Labor, and they two enlisted for a third line of battle the preachers. An audience made up of all these elements, which could not have been united under any other reform, followed with enthusiastic unity of sentiment an argument against all Sunday work save of mercy and necessity. 79. The resolutions, transmitted to me in a letter dated May 3, 1888, were as follows: "Whereas, it is a noted fact that wherever working hours are long, wages are low; men and women become stunted, degraded, and brutalized. Short hours increase wages, and men and women have time to develop. Wherever short hours have been developed the race has been improved physically, mentally, and morally. Resolved, That the Central Labor Union condemns the employment of labor on Sunday and holidays established by law; the first has a tendency to rob labor of its needed rest and spiritual improvement; the latter breeds contempt for American laws and American customs. Resolved, That we will use our best endeavors to abolish Sunday labor and violations of established holidays. We will invoke the aid of the law in the furtherance of this object, and we invite all law-abiding citizens, and particularly those who wish to elevate labor, to cooperate with us." The Sunday meetings of labor unions, to which we found Mr.

Powderly opposed, the author believes are an injury to the cause of labor in that they not only alienate the natural allies of labor-the churchesbut especially in that they tend to exclude from the meetings of labor, when so held, many of the most conscientious working men, who believe the day should be devoted to worship and rest, not to politics and business-not even to labor politics and labor union business.

80. See record of arguments made and action taken in my Civil Sabbath.

81. The argument following is the substance of the author's reply, in a hearing on the Sabbath law before a committee of the Pennsylvania Legislature, in 1891, to the question by Representative Fow: "Mr. Crafts, don't you think the world has greatly changed since the Sabbath law was originated, and don't you think the law ought to be changed accordingly?"

82. Christianity early obtained for the working classes of the Roman Empire this great blessing [the Lord's Day]. Under the prodigious impulse of the leading races of modern times toward the production and the acquiring of material wealth, there would have come, without some such day, an absolute breaking down of the physical power, a wearing out of the brain, and a corresponding moral degeneracy. In fact, the Christian Sabbath may be said to have saved the modern European and American races.-Charles Loring Brace, Gesta Christi, p. 410. The author made an argument for the Sabbath, from the standpoint of commercial interests exclusively, before the Boards of Trade of St. Paul and Little Rock. The Denver Real Estate Exchange, as such, supported by resolutions the movement there for the Sunday closing of saloons. The resolutions are given in my Civil Sabbath, in the lecture on Sunday Saloons, which is the Board of Trade address referred to above.

In a letter received at the time this page was going through the press, dated August 14, 1895, from D. De Leon, editor of The People, N. Y., a socialist paper, the following statement is made as to the function of government under socialism: " The 'government' of socialism is only the central directing authority in production. . . The scope of government will be, must be greatly curtailed. . . The difference between the 'scientific' anarchist and socialist is that the latter imagines he can get along without that central directing authority in production." The socialist who "imagines" he can get along without "government" in everything except "production" would be more "scientific" if he took the anarchist's position. "Personal liberty" in matters of appetite and lust is no more impracticable than in matters pertaining to greed. Dr. Edward McGlynn, in an article in Donahoe's Magazine (Boston), July, 1895, while condemning large fortunes as strongly as ever, rejects the popular doctrine that one cannot acquire a million dollars without personal dishonesty. "It is the machinery of distribution which is at fault," he declares. This machinery he shows to be faulty in three respects especially: (1) land tenure, (2) transportation, (3) money. Through these three channels, which society itself has constituted, unearned wealth gravitates into the hands of the monopolists. He regards land monopoly as the chief evil and single tax as the best remedy for it.-The status of the single-tax movement in the summer of 1895 is given in two articles

in The Outlook of August 24.-John Stuart Mill's proposal (George's Progress and Poverty, 304) is that the state should take, not past, but future increase of land values in increased taxation.-Progress and Poverty startled and held the attention of thinking people, because it boldly rested its case on one universally recognized industrial fact, and one almost universally accepted economic theory. The persistence of poverty in the midst of progress-deepest and most abject at the very spot where the accumulation of wealth is greatest-is the obvious fact. The theory that, of the various shares in distribution, land rent alone is an income secured without any corresponding service, that it absorbs all the advantages which accrue from superior soils and from superior location-the economic theory of rent-forms the second pillar of the single-tax doctrines. The statement of this fact and this theory, interwoven with wonderful skill, and yet wonderful simplicity, constitutes the substance of the single-tax literature-a literature which has perhaps done more than any other literature of the generation to give for the general reading public a meaning to economic theory and an interpretation to industrial facts.-E. T. Devine in Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. See same periodical for January, 1895, p. 109, for concise discussion of proposed restrictions of trusts.-Private or company telegraphs only exist in the following countries: Bolivia, Cyprus, Honduras Republic, Cuba, Hawaii, United States.-The Voice, August 8, 1895.

LECTURE V.

1. Romans xiii: I.

2. See also an earlier address of Dr. Hodge on "The State and Religion," published in pamphlet form by The Christian Statesman, Allegheny, Pa., from which can be obtained other books and pamphlets on the same theme, to which the paper itself is also devoted.

3. 1. Political power is rightly exercised only when it is possessed by consent of the community. 2. Political power is rightly exercised only when it subserves the welfare of the community. 3. Political power is rightly exercised only when it subserves the welfare of the community by means which the moral law permits.-Dymond, Essays on the Prin ciples of Morality, etc., quoted as "the threefold foundation of John Bright's public life," in Hughes' Philanthropy of God, p. 50. Dymond shows that the moral teaching of Jesus Christ is as applicable to public as to private life.-The nation is formed in no transient and no external circumstance, but in the Eternal, the I AM [Exodus iii]. It subsists in no compact of men, but in the everlasting Will.-Dr. Elisha Mulford, The Nation, 392. The object of government is to establish the right in the relations of men with each other.-Professor Woodrow Wilson, Handbook of Sociological Information, p. 6. In the light of the truths just quoted it seems like a bit of humor to read the serious statement of the Brooklyn Eagle, "Religion has nothing whatever to do with the performance of the mayor's functions."

4. The duties which men owe to each other and to society are proper subjects of civil cognizance, but the duties which they owe to God are of moral obligation only.-Rev. Dr. James M. King, Christianity Practically Applied, I: 175. Any machinery of government which men have yet devised is too coarse and clumsy for so delicate a task as the inculcation and encouragement of faith.-Bishop Phillips Brooks.

5. Although Protestant denominations have of late unitedly refused national appropriations for their Indian schools, their record is not yet cleared up in the case of State appropriations, as was shown in the Baltimore preachers' meeting, where I heard, in 1893, the reading of a list of Protestant denominational institutions that were then being aided by the State.

6. The national amendment proposed by the National League for the Protection of American Institutions is as follows: "No State shall pass any law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or use its property or credit, or any money raised by taxation, or authorize either to be used, for the purpose of founding, maintaining, or aiding, by appropriation, payment for services, expenses, or otherwise, any church, religious denomination, or religious society, or any institution, society, or undertaking which is wholly, or in part, under sectarian or ecclesiastical control." A similar amendment, proposed by President Grant, was introduced by the Hon. James G. Blaine in the House of Representatives on the 14th of December, 1875, was approved by the extraordinary votes of 180 ayes to 7 noes, but lost in the Senate by 28 ayes to 16 noes, lacking the requisite majority of twothirds. It will also be remembered that both the Republican and the Democratic parties gave, in 1876, clear and decided pledges to the American people on the subject.

The constitutional amendment adopted by New York State in 1894, through the efforts of the League, is as follows: "Neither the State, nor any subdivision thereof, shall use its property or credit or any public money, or authorize or permit either to be used, directly or indirectly, in aid or maintenance, other than for examination or inspection, of any school or institution of learning wholly or in part under the control or direction of any religious denomination, or in which any denominational tenet or doctrine is taught."

7. In 1894 the Secretary of the Interior, Hon. Hoke Smith, advised the gradual withdrawal of aid to Roman Catholic Indian schools, and the appropriations of Congress were accordingly made on that basis.

8. See numerous official documents cited in Schaff's Church and State, in McAllister's National Reform Manual, and in Supreme Court Reports, cxliii: 457. The nation does not forget that it is "a moral person," even in war. In the Instructions for the Government of the Armies of the United States in the Field are these words: "Men who take up arms against one another in public war do not cease on this account to be moral beings, or responsible to one another and to God.” On the relation of Christianity to the State, see documents of National League for the Protection of American Institutions, United Charities Building, New York; also address of its secretary, Rev. James M. King, D. D., on Religious Liberty and the State," Christianity Practically Applied, 1: 153; also lecture following on Religious Liberty in Other Lands."

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9. February 29, 1892, Trinity Church case, United States Supreme Court Reports, exliii: 457.

10. See Lecture II, showing that the Bible rather expresses the common Christianity" of all Christian sects.

II. It would at once put Christian integrity into a position of immense power. . . if, in the pulpit, the home, and the Sunday-school, we were to commence concertedly to treat such civic duties as attending