VI. The carrying out of the rules adopted by the conference.

1. Shall regulations be made for carrying out and superintending the provisions agreed upon?

2. Shall conferences of the representatives of the governments interested be held at intervals, and what shall be the tasks set before them? 104. Professor Bemis declared, in 1894, that he found among workmen a growing disposition to adopt wise and conciliatory measures when employers are willing to come half-way."-Handbook of Sociologi cal Information, p. 41.

105. Bibliotheca Sacra, Oberlin, O., July, 1892; reprint at ten cents each. 106. John Rae, in Eight Hours of Work, seems to prove that, in many cases, a reduction of work to eight hours has not decreased production, so removing the chief objection of the capitalist, while, at the same time, invalidating the argument of labor leaders that such reduction of hours would provide work for a larger number of workmen. He holds that if each man was to lessen his product it would lessen the entire supply, raise prices without raising wages, and injure rather than improve the laborer's condition. His hope is rather in improved machinery, in more abundant and cheaper products, resulting in higher wages and a higher standard of living. The one point as to which those reformers who are the best friends of the working men would inquire most diligently is what is done with the two leisure hours. If they are spent in additional reveling, or even in lounging about, instead of increasing their knowledge or efficiency or value as men, it would be just as well for them to work ten hours as eight. Research seems to show, however, that a great improvement takes place at once in the workman's aims and methods. With some vitality left from his short day, instead of seeking the saloon as he did when exhausted by long hours, he seeks the open air, taking an allotment, one or two acres of land, and raising his own vegetables, or, if younger, joining baseball or cricket clubs.

107. On the high grade of intellectual ability developed among labor leaders see Fairbairn, Religion in History, etc., pp. 44 ff.

108. I see no escape from the Church's responsibility to make deep and triumphant study of these grave problems now so earnestly and angrily discussed, and to teach the results from the pulpit and in every other possible way. Our Sunday-schools might be utilized in that interest.-Professor E. B. Andrews, D. D., LL. D., Christianity Practically Applied, 1: 349. The suggestion that social problems should be studied in the Sabbath-schools is underscored by the fact that a majority of Protestant criminals and slaves of the vices were once members of the Evangelical Sabbath-schools. See proofs in my Temperance Century, 136; also Clokey's Dying at the Top, 41, where it is stated that, of 3682 prisoners in Allegheny Co., Pa, in 1886, all but 107 had been in Christian (?) homes or Sabbath-schools or both. At the Philadelphia Free Breakfast three-fourths raised their hands on the question, "How many have been Sabbath-school scholars?" A Bible class undertaking the study of practical Christian sociology should take a hint from the custom of Professor M. Cheyson of Paris and Professor Lindsay of the University of Pennsylvania, who take their classes on excursions to places of sociological interest, such as jails, asylums, etc., where the superintendent of the institution makes an address and answers questions as the basis for subsequent explanation by the teacher of the scientific bearing of the facts learned.

LECTURE IV.

1. The failure of communistic experiments in the United States and elsewhere is often urged as an objection against modern socialism. But in reality these experiments . . . throw little light upon the socialism of to-day... Modern socialism does not preach a doctrine of separation, but aims to change the whole structure of society.-Professor R. T. Ely, Socialism, etc., 182, 184. Communities were established through the influence of Owen and Fourier, and others, 1826-46. Those attempted in the United States are described in Noyes' History of American Socialisms, and more concisely in Sotheran's Horace Greeley. These separated colonies were but the skirmish-line of socialism, whose advocates now recognize the necessity of something more than local, or even national action in order to its adequate realization. Of the local Utopias, which are still being attempted, despite past failures, and are often cited as samples of socialism, Sidney Webb says in Fabian Tract No. 51, (p. io): "The aim of the modern socialist movement, I take it, is not to enable this or that comparatively free person to lead an ideal life, but to loosen the fetters of the millions who toil in our factories and mines, and who cannot possibly be moved to Freeland or Topolobampo."

2. The word "revolution" is often used in the sense of evolution. The Fabian Essays declare: "By 'revolution' is to be understood, of course, not violence, but a complete change of system" (p. xiii). See also p. 44. "Socialists as well as individualists realize that important organic changes can only be (1) democratic, and thus acceptable to a majority of the people, and prepared for in the minds of all; (2) gradual, and thus causing no dislocation, however rapid may be the rate of progress; (3) not regarded as immoral by the mass of the people, and thus not subjectively demoralizing to them; and (4) in this country [Great Britain] at any rate, constitutional and peaceful” (p. 9). See also pp. 91, 163, 186-187, 225-226, 250. Frederick Engels, in the introduction to the English translation of Das Kapital, says that its author, Karl Marx, was led by his lifelong studies to the conclusion that England was the only country in Europe where the inevitable social revolution might be effected entirely by peaceful and legal means, although he expected the rich would subsequently rebel. "raises" things

3. Uncivilized man finds things; semi-civilized man civilized man makes things. . . Man is least dependent when [as a savage] he wants least, cares least, has least, knows least, and is least... Progress is... a passage from independence to dependence.-Ely, Outlines of Economics, 3, 7, 73, 74. This book of Professor Ely is especially valuable for its concise historic study of the development of industry from its crudest forms to its present complexity.

4. The old-time argument that the farmers of the United States, with homes and lands of their own, would be an effectual barrier against socialism, is not heard in these days of Populists, whose mortgaged homes give them little feeling of landlordism.

5. The writer's statement that a reduction of hours to eight cannot be made except by cooperation among competitors is based on the assump tion that the benefits conferred upon the body, mind, and heart of the average working man, by a reduction of hours from 10, or 9, to 8, would not be sufficient in the case of "machine minders," at any rate, probably not even in most cases where a man's own muscle and mind are his chief

"power" to make the product of muscle, or mind, or machine, for the shorter hours equal to what it had been for the longer. We are aware that neither the fear of decreased production nor of increased vice was verified in the reduction of work to ten hours (see Marx's Capital, 131-132, Ely's Economics, 290), but as both strength and skill are more and more transfered to machines, the shortening of hours has less and less influence upon quantity and quality of work. We quote Rae elsewhere (see Eight-hour Law," in alphabetical index) as claiming that in some cases the reduction to eight hours has not decreased the product, but it is yet to be shown whether or not it would cause such a reduction in most cases. The writer favors an eight-hour law, but not by separate State action, unless it can be shown conclusively that the employers and employees of such a State will not lose by competition with longer hours in other States. Massachusetts manufacturers, as we show elsewhere, claim that the national government has power to pass such a law for all employees as it has already passed for its own.

6. According to the annual report of the Bureau of Statistics of Pennsylvania, just published, the strikes last year numbered fifty-three, about twice as many as took place in the previous year. Not one of these strikes was successful, the number engaged in them was seventeen thousand, and the average loss in wages was about eighty-five dollars.-Christian Advocate, July 19, 1894.

7. The fact that capital, if unjustly treated in one State, can flee to another, is a considerable check upon excessive anti-capital legislation. 8. A number of Populists, Socialists, and Prohibitionists met in New York City on the eve of Washington's Birthday, 1894, and adopted a platform and constitution for a Commonwealth Club, to unite the reform elements for political action. The platform adopted is as follows:

PLATFORM FOR COMMONWEALTH CLUB.

Differing as we may upon minor details, we, the members of the Commonwealth Club, favor united political action to secure the following:

The telegraphs, telephones, railroads, and mines should be owned and operated by the State; the street cars, water, gas, and electric light plants should be owned and operated by the municipalities, and no public employee should be engaged or discharged for political reasons.

"The currency of the country should be issued by the Federal Government alone, and not by private individuals or corporations.

"To abolish the saloon, the liquor traffic, so far as demanded, should be conducted by the State without profit.

"The land is the rightful heritage of all the people, and no tenure should hold without use and occupancy.

"Machinery is the product of the cumulative thought of the past, and should not be monopolized against public interest.

"The ideal of the future is the collective ownership and operation by the people of all the means of production and distribution.

"To secure these ends, we demand the initiative, referendum, and imperative mandate.”

The Independent Labor Party of England, whose object is "the col lective ownership and control of the means of production, distribution, and exchange," has as its present program :

1. Restriction by law of the working day to eight hours.

2. Abolition of overtime, piece work, and the prohibition of the employment of children under fourteen years of age.

3. Provision for the sick, disabled, aged, widows and orphans; the necessary funds to be obtained by a tax upon unearned incomes.

4. Free, unsectarian, primary, secondary, and university education. 5. Remunerative work for the unemployed.

6. Taxation to extinction of unearned incomes.

7. The substitution of arbitration for war, and the consequent disarmament of the nations.

The proposed basis of union for Prohibitionists, Populists, and other reform parties, adopted at National Reform Conference, in Prohibition Park, Staten Island, June 28 to July 3. 1895, is as follows:

"1. Direct Legislation, the Initiative and the Referendum in national, State, and local matters; the Imperative Mandate and Proportional Representation.

2. When any branch of legitimate business becomes a monopoly in the hands of a few against the interests of the many, that industry should be taken possession of, on just terms, by the municipality, the State, or the nation, and administered by the people.

"3. The election of president and vice-president and of United States senators by direct vote of the people, and also of all civil officers as far as practicable.

4. Equal suffrage without distinction of sex.

5. As the land is the rightful heritage of the people, no tenure should hold without use and occupancy.

"6. Prohibition of the liquor traffic for beverage purposes, and governmental control of the sale for medicinal, scientific, and mechanical

uses.

“7. All money-paper, gold, and silver-should be issued by the national government only, and made legal tender for all payments, public or private, on future contracts, and in amount adequate to the demands of business.

"8. The free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the ratio of 16 to 1."

9. What is called the socialistic trend in court decisions has been very rapidly developed of late, and although some of these decisions are adverse to labor's claims, more of them are adverse to the assumptions of capital, and most of them defend the public in its right to have public commercial enterprises managed with primary reference not to private, but public interests. One of the latest of these decisions was that of Judge Gaynor on the Brooklyn strike, of which a summary and discussion may be found in the Literary Digest, issues of February, 1895. One of the earliest and highest of these decisions is that of the United States Supreme Court, case of Munn vs. Illinois, the opinion being written by Chief Justice Waite : When one devotes his property to a use in which the public has an interest, he, in effect, grants to the public an interest in that use, and must submit to be controlled by the public for the common good, to the extent of the interest he has created." It is significant in this connection that the New Jersey Legislature, in 1895, passed a bill making judgeships elective, supposably on the ground that judges named by the executive were too much in sympathy with corporations. The bill was defeated by the Governor's veto.

10. In 1769, the year that James Watt invented the steam-engine, Napoleon and Wellington were born, which reminds us that

"Peace hath her victories no less renowned than war."

More influential upon the destiny of nations than Waterloo was the harnessing of water, transformed to steam, to the forces of production.

II. The machines invented between 1750 and 1784 are enumerated in Fabian Essays, pp. 47, 48. Workmen became what Fabian Essays call dependent machine-minders." The First Annual Report of the United States Commissioner of Labor, 1886, shows in detail how men have been displaced by machinery. The same, condensed, in Fabian Essays, p. 54 f.—To do the work accomplished in 1886 in the United States by power machinery and on the railways would have required men representing a population of 172,500,000, whereas the real population was under 60,000,000—that is, 4,000,000 with machinery did what would have required 21,000,000 without.-Ely's Socialism, etc., 139. See also his Economics, Chautauqua edition, 19, note. In 1887 the Berlin Bureau of Statistics estimated that the steam-engines of the world were doing the work of 1,000,000,000 men-three times the working population of the world. See also Strong's Our Country, 122.

12. The Industrial Revolution of the Eighteenth Century is discussed from an altruistic standpoint in lectures on that subject by Arnold Toynbee. See also Ely's Outlines of Economics on the same.

13. Hon. Abram S. Hewitt says of the ante-factory period in England: "I do not pretend to say that the general condition of society was either satisfactory or commendable, or that the convulsion with which it was overthrown was not necessarily inevitable; but what I do say is that there was no large proletarian class without a home and abiding place, and for whose care and sustenance no one was responsible."-Charities Review, 2: 306. For the darker side of the picture see Pigeon's Old World Questions and New World Answers, p. 254, quoted in Behrends, Socialism and Christianity, pp. 222-223.

14. To put political power in the hands of men embittered and degraded by poverty is to tie firebrands to foxes and turn them loose amid the standing corn. Between democratic ideas and the aristocratic adjustments of society there is an irreconcilable conflict.-Henry George, Progress and Poverty, 381, 396. The economic side of the democratic idea is socialism.-Fabian Essays, 9. Industrial self-government is a very convenient and accurate definition of nationalism.-Edward Bellamy, quoted, Ely's Socialism, 23. We must go logically on and democratize our industrial institutions.-Owen's Economics of Herbert Spencer, p. 38. See on same Ely's Economics, Chautauqua edition, 200.

15. Karl Marx (Capital, 288, note) cites evidence that he was not a Christian in belief. Whatever was true of the man, his system was atheistic in the strict sense, without God—that is, it left God out except as impersonal" law," or, in modern phrase, it was agnostic in the sense of ignoring God.

16. The necessity for some slight and occasional restraints upon industrial liberty he admitted.

17. Two conceptions are woven into every argument of the Wealth of Nations-the belief in the supreme value of individual liberty and the conviction that man's self-love is God's providence; that the individual,