17. Through what form of business have multi-millionaires chiefly acquired their wealth?

18. What are the chief considerations presented in favor of government ownership of telegraphs? Of railroads?

19. What three objections to government ownership are made, and how are they answered? What plan of railroad directorship is given? § 20. Is there danger that trusts will own the governments if the governments do not own the trusts?

21. What possibilities of international labor reform are suggested? 22. In what movement can churches most easily enter into friendly cooperation with labor unions? How is Sunday work "Sunday slavery"? Why is not "the complicated civilization of the nineteenth century a valid reason for relaxing Sabbath observance and Sabbath laws?

SUBJECTS FOR DISCUSSION IN COMMERICIAL CLUBS, LABOR UNIONS, INDUSTRIAL CONFERENCES, ETC.

1. Is compulsory arbitration justifiable, desirable, and practicable in the case of chartered transportation companies using public franchises? 2. Does the arbitration bill passed by the House of Representatives in 1895, at the request of railroad managers and their employees, sufficiently safeguard the interest of the public? 3. Is a stronger government control than now exists desirable in the case of public transportation companies? 4. Has municipal ownership and management of water works, lighting plants, and street-car lines achieved real success under trials thus far made? 5. Is it desirable or feasible to annex the telegraph and express business to the post-office? 6. Is government ownership of railroads and mines desirable or feasible? 7. Should the absorption of business by government be limited to forms of business that have ceased to be competitive and have become monopolistic? 8. Is compulsory competition through anti-trust and anti-pooling laws practicable? 9. Is cooperative production and distribution a practicable and comprehensive solution of the labor problem? 10. Is Fabianism the most commendable form of socialism? II. Is socialism to be preferred to communism? 12. Does the complicated civilization of the nineteenth century constitute a valid reason for relaxing Sabbath observance? 13. Ought the Sunday paper to stay? 14. Is it desirable that Congress should stop Sunday mails and Sunday trains?

FIELD WORK.

1. Visit farmers and ascertain their exact grievances and real hardships under present conditions, and the remedies they favor. 2. Examine business parts of the city on Sabbath morning, and make exact tally of forms of work and business in progress. Converse with those at work as to their views and wishes, ascertain number of newsboys selling Sunday papers in several cities, and estimate for whole country as to the number who are thus deprived of moral culture and led to break human and divine law.

A. M. FAIRBAIRN, D. D.: The sovereign people ought not to be sovereignless; but their only possible sovereign is the God who is Lord of the conscience. His is the only voice that can still the noise of the passions and the tumult of the interests.-Religion in History, etc., p. 61.

BISHOP PHILLIPS BROOKS: Behold thy King cometh unto thee!" There opens before us a glorious vision of what the city might be in which He should be totally received, where He should be wholly king. -From Palm Sunday Sermon.

PROFESSOR A. A. HODGE, D. D.: THERE IS ANOTHER KING, ONE JESUS THE SAFETY OF THE STATE CAN BE SECURED ONLY IN THE WAY

OF HUMBLE AND WHOLE-SOULED LOYALTY TO HIS PERSON AND OF

OBEDIENCE TO HIS LAW.-Popular Lectures on Theological Themes, 287.

MILTON: A nation ought to be but one huge Christian personage, one mighty growth or stature of an honest man, as big and compact in virtue as in body, for look what the ground and causes are of single happiness to one man, the same ye shall find them to a whole state.-Reformation in England, Preface, Bk. II.

LYMAN ABBOTT, D. D.: The four Gospels are the protoplasm of democracy. In Bethlehem was sounded the knell of exclusive privilege and inaugurated the era of universal welfare. The process begun in Galilee is not yet completed, and will not be until political economy learns and teaches the doctrine of distribution as well as of accumulation. -The Cosmopolitan, 1894.

JOSIAH STRONG, D. D.: We need a new patriotism which is civil rather than military, which fixes its attention, not on the Union, which is no longer imperiled, but on local government, which has become widely corrupted' -not a patriotism which constructs fortifications and builds navies so much as one which purifies politics and substitutes statesmen for demagogues; not one which follows the drum-beat to battle, but one which goes to primaries; not one that "rallies round the flag" so much as one that rallies round the ballot-box; not a patriotism which exhausts itself in eulogizing our institutions, but one which expresses itself in strengthening their foundations.

E. J. WHEELER: Politics should be an ennobling pursuit-the outer court of the temple of statesmanship.—Prohibition, 185.

JOHN G. WOOLLEY: Civilization has diurnal and orbital motions, like the earth itself, and days and nights, tides, zones, and seasons. That phase of society in which demoniac competition dwells in catacombs and tears itself, incapable of being bound by either human love or human law; where men fly at each other's throats like mad dogs, learn to feed on poisons, marry for lust or pride or spite or gold or power; steal for the mere excitement of it; incorporate to murder opportunity and hope in simple, honest, independent industry; rape the body politic to beget Monopoly and her idiot brother Anarchy; where laws are private schemes, offices well-nigh impossible except for trimmers and demagogues, and public franchises are racks to stretch the people on till they forswear their natal liberties; the world which has for its motto, "business is business," and which turns upon the caprice of the all-powerful rich and the madness of the all-impotent poor for its oblique and oscillating axis; .. that, I say, belongs to humanity's daily revolution and the domain of politics.— Prohibition Park Speech on Voices of the Century, July 4, 1895.

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V. FROM THE STANDPOINT OF CITIZENSHIP.

The Law of

tics.

1. "THE powers that be are ordained of God." To a Christian nation that ought not to seem a new doctrine. But when Rev. Dr. W. J. Robinson Christ in Poli- stood with me in the Pennsylvania House of Representatives in defense of the State Sabbath law, and, with the solemnity of a bishop addressing a group of young ministers, reminded the legislators before him that they were civil ministers "ordained of God," "called" to serve Him and humanity by applying the law of Christ to civil affairs, it was manifestly to many of them, and even to some Christians present, a novel view of politics.

The civil Kingship of Christ is not a mere denominational peculiarity of Covenanters and United Presbyterians. It is nowhere more ably defended than in one of the Popular Lectures of the late Professor A. A. Hodge, D. D., of Princeton, whose name, with those of equally illustrious ministers from all the great branches of the Protestant Church, was enrolled among the vicepresidents of the National Reform Association, which was organized under the clouds of war, in 1863, to recall the nation to its loyalty to the law of Christ, whose violation in the case of the slave had brought on us His judgments.'

When a United States Senator declared that "Politics owes no allegiance to the Decalogue and the Golden. Rule," the indignant public retired him from politics to prove that the law of Christ had not been so retired. Many who think it unimportant to acknowledge the supremacy of the Divine Law in the national Constitution