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MEMOIRS OF SAMUEL PEPYS.*

We had recently occasion to remark that the prejudices and opinions, the talents and mental qualities of memoir-writers have very little to do with the instruction which their labours may afford; for, provided they do but indulge freely in detail, sufficient must transpire of the real condition of things, to enable a reader of ordinary penetration to see beyond the false surface, which party zeal or self-interest may be inclined to put upon them. Particular facts may indeed be misrepresented, and direct falsehoods palmed on the public concerning the secret passages of intrigue and state policy; but the complexion of the age, the character of factions and parties, the state of opinions, manners, habits, feelings, and the like generalities, betray themselves in so many unlooked-for particulars, that it is impossible for the most guarded narrator of a long series of events, wholly to disguise the truth. To the work before us this remark is peculiarly applicable. Pepys, both by inclination and by place, was a staunch advocate of Royalty; and strove hard to deceive himself into the belief that the restoration of Charles the Second was a happy event for his country. But in the simplicity of his gossiping disposition, he puts down so many traits of the vice and the profligacy, the feebleness and falsehood of the monarch, the extravagance of the court, the rapacity of the favourites, the monstrous arrogance and ambition of the clergy, and the absence of any fixed and enlightened opinion among the people, as would suffice to sink the most prosperous nation into the abyss of misery and political nullity, if the course of events had not been cut short by the glorious Revolution, which deprived the Stuarts of that sceptre they were every way incapable of wielding. In this point of view, we hold the volumes before us of extraordinary value. An effort has long been making by a party in this country, to turn the current of popular opinion in favour of despotic institutions, to conceal the iron scourge of power beneath a specious wreath of flowers, and to inspire a sickly and effeminate alarm at innovation, with a horror of past temporary disturbances of public tranquillity, however valuable the object attained by the movement. Numerous and insidious attempts have been made, by falsifying history, by giving a political colour to romance, by emasculating such dramatic writers as have wished to make the stage a vehicle for liberal sentiment, and by encouraging corrupt authors to propagate slavish doctrines, through the same channels, to debauch the rising generation into a love of mawkish loyalty, and the gewgaws of aristocratic forms. The exiled family of the Stuarts have been brought forward with affectation before the public, as objects of tender compassion and fond regret, and the great event by which they were excluded, that event to which the world is indebted for nearly all the truth, fiberty, and morality existing in Europe, and in America-has been studiously represented, as necessary indeed in the particular instance which eventually placed the * Memoirs of Samuel Pepys, Esq. F. R. S. Secretary to the Admiralty in the reigns of Charles I. and James II. comprising his Diary from 1659 to 1669, deciphered by the Rev. John Smith, A. B. of St. John's College, Cambridge, from the original short-hand MSS. in the Pepysian Library; and a selection from his Private Correspondence. Edited by Richard Lord Braybrooke. London, Henry Colburn.

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house of Hanover on the throne, but as otherwise malum in se, and never again to be called into precedent, or spoken of but with trembling and delicacy. To dissipate this dangerous illusion, the Memoirs of Mr. Pepys are singularly adapted. Bred up in the strictness of religious and moral feeling, which the Puritans, with all their acknowledged cant, had rooted into the generation they educated, Pepys was not able to shut his eyes against the infamy by which he was surrounded; and all his love and devotion to the monarchy could not falsify his conscience, even when his own conduct was not in consonance with its dictates. Fortunately, too, he wrote in a species of cypher, and with no intent to publish; and thus was encouraged to indulge in disclosures of fact, and in reflections, which neither his fears nor his principles would have permitted him to hazard in general circulation. The picture which he has afforded of the times in which he lived, has many other points of intense interest. As the contemporary of Antoine Hamilton, and living in the same reign, he affords many illustrations and confirmations of the story of that incomparably witty writer; while the plainness of his narrative forms a striking contrast in literary and intellectual qualifications, with the elegant and lively pages of the Memoirs de Grammont. Pepys was, according to that day, an educated gentleman, and had received all the refinement which home-bred instruction, an English university, and an English court, could give; yet not only in style and in composition, but in philosophy and in powers of reflection, he is centuries behind his French rival, and the comparison exhibits in a pregnant light the vast superiority which the French court had then attained in politeness and civilization-a superiority which amply accounts for the political supremacy it held over its humble imitators at Whitehall and Hampton-court.

The principal part of the volumes under consideration consists of a diary commenced in the year 1659, and kept with great assiduity during ten years of official life. In the original MS. this diary occupies six volumes closely written in short-hand, part of the library bequeathed by the author to Magdalen College, Cambridge. From the minuteness and the trifling nature of much of the details (says the editor) the MS. has been considerably abridged; and we readily believe with great advantage to the sale of the work; yet from the light which is thrown upon the manners and customs of the age, by the "prattle" which has been suffered to find its way into print, we cannot but think that the antiquary and the philosopher may yet glean valuable instruction from that which has been suppressed. A disposition to idle gossip is an essential ingredient in a memoir-writer. A man of graver turn would preserve in his journal only what is interesting at the moment; whereas, in a memoir, we look for instruction on those points to which time has given importance: we seek for traces, more especially, of the external forms of society, of the domesticity and the interior of those great personages who have figured upon the public stage of life, and for recollections of those evanescent shades of opinion, which are disregarded in the more "sad and learned" narratives of professed historians. The indiscriminating Dangeau has supplied us abundantly with matter of this nature, regarding the court of Louis XIV. ; and the information which Pepys lets transpire in his pages respecting Charles II. is not of inferior curiosity. Samuel Pepys was born in the

year 1632 of a good and ancient family and it is a singular fact in the history of our national manners, that his father should have followed no more dignified calling than that of "a tailor by trade." Pepys was educated at St. Paul's and at Cambridge; and his acquaintance with ancient and modern languages enabled him to avail himself of the patronage of his cousin Sir Edward Montagu, afterwards Earl of Sandwich, and to fill with credit to himself and utility to the public, several official situations, more especially connected with the navy; to the amelioration of which he largely contributed, in many instances, of which James II. when Duke of York had obtained the exclusive merit. Through his connexion with Montagu, Pepys was employed on board the Naseby which brought Charles II. to England, on the restoration, about the time when his diary first begins, which has afforded him the occasion of commemorating many curious particulars of that memorable event. From his official connexion with the Duke of York, he was afterwards strongly, though unjustly, suspected of Popery; and when elected to serve in parliament, an attempt was made to supersede him, as "a papist, and one popishly inclined," on the alleged ground of a crucifix having been seen in his house. From the internal evidence of his diary, he seems in theology rather to have leant to the Presbyterians, as the most prudent, moderate, and godly-minded party; but he was deeply infected with a childish love of the more imposing ceremonies of the episcopal service, to which his passion for music still further inclined him. It appears, however, from the same authority, that, like a good placeman as he was, he was not insensible to the influence of court opinion. In page 83 he says, "In Paul's church-yard, I called at Kirton's, and there they had got a masse-book for me, which I bought, and cost me twelve shillings; and when I came home, sat up late, and read it with great pleasure to my wife, to hear that she was long ago acquainted with it." And in gage 96 he records a serious though ineffectual effort, he made to fast in Lent after the Catholic fashion; so that it seems not improbable, that he had really coquetted to some extent with the religion which had become fashionable with his employers. Of the persecution on this account raised against him, his noble editor speaks as of "a striking and most disgusting picture of the spirit of those times." The spirit of those times was indeed pregnant with the grossest bigotry, and with a puerile alarm at every demonstration of "a popish inclination ;" and the zeal or the ambition of the Shaftesburys and the Bank's of that day led them into acts of perfidy and cruelty, which were truly "of a most disgusting character." But in censuring "those times," it must be remembered that the alliance of popery and despotism was then a pressing and a paramount evil; and that a question really was at issue between civil and religious liberty, and a base and groveling slavery both of mind and body. Other times have succeeded, in which, fortunately for mankind, these dangers have become but the airy shadowings of a diseased imagination: yet the Eldons and the Bank's of 1825 are by no means behindhand with the Shaftesburys and Bank's of the olden times, in doing the work of persecution and bigotry and it may fairly be doubted whether that party, the proceedings of which have recently passed into matter of history, was a whit inferior in political dishonesty, superstitious imbecil. ity, and a narrow persecuting spirit, to the body which disgraced the

days of Titus Oates. The public feeling of the age is indeed vastly amended, and even sectarian zeal is obliged to defer to popular opinion. But some of our modern statesmen have been fully as bad, as they dared, and in the pursuit of a political chimera, have “played such pranks before high heaven," as leaves the present generation little right to censure and contemn the court of their predecessors, for the absence of common honesty, fair dealing, and Christian charity, to their Catholic fellow-citizens.

The estimation in which Pepys was held for his literary talents raised him in 1684 to the presidency of the Royal Society. He was also the friend of Evelyn, and was a munificent patron of literature and the arts. Yet, if we may judge of the quality of his mind from his own diary, we should place him on an intellectual level, far below that of Evelyn, to whose Memoirs his own will henceforward form an essential pendant. To judge of him by this standard, he seems to have had little of the higher caste of philosophy in his conceptions. His views of the religion and politics of his day, though often shrewd, and, for a professed cavalier, sometimes liberal, shew for the most part more of cunning than of wisdom. In his calculations of conduct he is a mere clerk in office; jealous of exclusion, anxious after fees, and sufficiently intriguing-which was indeed the prevailing vice of the times. In this respect, the restoration of the Bourbons is a mere replico of that of the Stuarts and it is curious to remark, that the greediness of the courtiers and the lavish profusion of the public expenditure, have in both instances led to the open sale of honours in satisfaction of demands made upon the liberality of the sovereign, when money was no longer to be had. Of this fact two instances occur in vol. 1, p. 71. That Pepys's mind was not formed for the entertainment of expansive generalities, has (we repeat it) rendered his Memoirs at once more interesting and more trustworthy. A higher order of intellect and of feeling would have spoiled his work, and caused it to be a less faithful mirror of the age; while it would have deprived us of numerous piquant and striking anecdotes that shed an instructive light on the manners and customs of the nation. Of this truth, we may instance his almost childish love of dress, which occasions him to note the successive changes in his toilet, and thereby to illustrate the national progress from the forms of puritanism to those of the French court. 66 July 10, 1660. This day I put on my new silk suit, the first that ever I wore in my life," p. 14.— 13th do. Up early, the first day I put on my black camlett coat, with silver buttons," p. 65.-" 14th Aug. Agreed upon making me a velvet coat." p. 71.- 25th do. This night Wm. Hewer brought me home from Mr. Pims my velvet coat and cap, the first that ever I had." "February 3d, 1661. This day I first began to go forth in my coate and sword, as the manner now among gentlemen is." p. 93.-"Nov. 4, 1660. My wife seemed very pretty to-day, it being the first time I had given her leave to wear a black patch." p. 83.—“ October 19, 1662. Put on my first new laced band; and so neat it is, that I am resolved my great expence shall be laced bands, and it will set off any thing else the more.' p. 171.- June 1663. When the house began to fill, she put on her vizard, and so kept it on all the play, which of late has become a great fashion among the ladies, which hiles their whole face. So to the Exchange to buy things with my wife, and among others, a vizard for herself." p. 226.

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"24th Mar. By and by comes La Belle Pierce to see my wife, and to bring her a pair of peruques of hair, as the fashion now is for ladies to wear; which are prctty, and are of my wife's own hair, or else I should not endure them."

"30th Oct. To my great sorrow find myself 431, worse than I was the last month, which was then 760l. and now it is but 7171. But it hath chiefly arisen from my layings-out in clothes for myself and wite; viz. for her about 121, and for myself 55l, or thereabouts; having made myself a velvet cloak, two new cloth shirts, black, plain both; a new shag gown, trimmed with gold buttons and twist, with a new hat, and silk tops for my legs, and many other things, being resolved henceforward to go like myself. And also two perriwiggs, one whereof cost me 31 and the other 40s. I have worn neither yet, but will begin next week, God willing."

Like Old Rapid in the play, Pepys seems perfectly impregnated with ideas of dress, and at every turn we expect to find him journalizing, "What a very pretty spencer you have on " The same attention to outward circumstances in other particulars, is perpetually starting new game for the antiquary and the historical novelist. To this propensity we owe the knowledge that Pepys, when worth no more than 100l. in the world, gave for his hat the large sum of 4l. 58.; that tee (tea) was a curiosity almost unknown in 1660; that from this period the first appearance of females on the English stage may be dated; that the play ended at nine o'clock; that melons were first sent from Lisbon in 1663; that a guide was necessary to travel to Portsmouth; and an infinity of similar facts, which, if not altogether new to the reader, are agreeably recalled by the perusal of these pages. The following passage contains several curious traits of manners :

"Oct. 29. To Guild Hall; and meeting with Mr. Proby, (Sir R. Ford's son), and Lieutenant-colonel Baron, a City commander, we went up and down to see the tables; where under every salt there was a bill of fare, and at the end of the table the persons proper for the table. Many were the tables, but none in the Hall but the Mayor's and the Lords of the Privy Council that had napkins or knives, which was very strange. We went into the Buttry, and there stayed and talked, and then into the Hall again and there wine was offered and they drunk, I only drinking some hypocras, which do not break my vowe, it being, to the best of my present judgement, only a mixed compound drink, and not any wine. If I am mistaken, God forgive me! but I hope and do think I am not. By and by met with Creed; and we, with the others, went within the several Courts, and there saw the tables prepared for the ladies and judges and bishops; all great sign of a great dinner to come. By and by about one o'clock, before the Lord Mayor come, come into the Hall, from the room where they were first led into, the Lord Chancellor (Archbishopp before him), with the Lords of the Council, and other Bishopps, and they to dinner. Annon comes the Lord Mayor, who went up to the lords, and then to the other tables to bid wellcome; and so all to dinner. I sat near Proby, Baron, and Creed at the Merchant Strangers' table; where ten good dishes to a messe, with plenty of wine of all sorts, of which I drunk none; but it was very unpleasing that we had no napkins nor change of trenchers, and drunk out of earthen pitchers and wooden dishes. It happened that after the lords had half dined, come the French embassador up to the lords' table, where he was to have sat; he would not sit down nor dine with the Lord Mayor, who was not yet come, nor have a table to himself, which was offered; but in a discontent went away again. After I had dined, I and Creed rose and went up and down the house, and up to the ladys' room, and there stayed gazing upon them. But though there were many and fine, both young and old, yet I could not discern one handsome face there; which was very strange. I expected musique, but there was none but only trumpets and drums, which displeased me. The dinner, it seems, is made by the Mayor and two Sheriff's for the time

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