ed Englishmen whose ancestors, not long ago, adorned the savage life of British forests, and who, like Cecil Rhodes, now in civilized garb are vindicating their descent and showing brute survival that Christianity has failed to extinguish. It is Zachary, Macauley, Wilberforce and Clarkson whom the future Englishman will exalt when the Rhodeses and the Kitcheners are remembered only as examples to be shunned. The reason for our own social problems, our extremes of riches and poverty in a land of abundance, is inattention to our own doors. Those that should be wide open are closed. The pressure to open them has alarmed the monopolist and it is he who leads us off the true scent to the morasses of the tropical Pacific. The protectionist and the monopolist will be held by history, to be the fomentors of the Spanish war into which this nation was cajoled and canted under a humanitarian pretence. The cry of war was raised to divert the attention of the reform ers from the failure of protection and from a financial system which Secretary Gage describes as "condemned by the wise, both at home and abroad, its evils illustrated in daily business, and emphasised by the impending deficit." The ruse succeeded, but with what infinite labor and added perplexity must we address ourselves to the ominous evils which appalled us before they were loaded with the deadly burdens of war. It is always humilitating for a believer in abstract justice to waste time proving self-evident truths by mathematics. To show by figures that honesty is the best policy, that justice is safer than robbery, or that righteousness exalts men and nations, is a useful function that may be safely left with statisticians, Fortunately nature has imbedded supporting facts in every seam of truth. Different eyes search for different ores, inferring one from the other. Leaving, therefore, the material part of the discussion, which I would like to amplify did time permit, let me close with a consideration of some other possessions which a country ought to count precious, although not easily measured in dollars and cents. Whittier's ringing question at the time of the wicked annexation of Texas is again in order "Is the dollar, only, real? Are God. and truth, Weighed against your lying ledgers, must our manhoood kick the beam ?" In comparing the gain and loss in the fateful year of 1898, how will the balance read? On one side we place Hawaii, on the other side perfidy and oligarchy. On the credit side Cuba, Porto Rico and the Philippines. On the the debit side, the loss of production, by abstracting men from labor to murder innocent people against whom they had no enmity or grievance; the irreparable cost of militarism following such heathenism, to be paid for by taxing the producers of the United States and lessening their power to consume; turning to tramps and idlers many who would else have been builders of the nation's prosperity; distrust of republican institutions, and political rascality. More than all else, we have weakened faith in ideals, accustomed ourselves to brutality, retrograded to slaveholding views as regards the treatment of so-called inferior races, discarded the saving and immortal essence of Lincoln's Gettysburg address and Lowell's supreme gospel of Democracy. Brotherly love, self-respect, honesty, character, decencyall these we are asked to barter for the Philippines with their inevitable train of new wars, hatreds, self-contempt, murder, disease, indecencies, and all the baleful brood. Take up the white man's burden and let go the humble and the contrite heart! I leave out of the credit side the large, vague "winds of duty and destiny that are sweeping through our hearts," for I know not what value, material or ethical, to place on wind of this description, but on the debit side I would fain add the shame which all decent men feel over this ghastly horror and recrudescence of barbarism. I like to recall Cobden's answer to the proposition that England should promote the good of her neighbors and the peace and happiness of the world by the cudgel: "Experience is against it, it has been tried hundreds of years and failed. It cannot be right, because it assumes that you are at all times able to judge what will be good for others, which you are not. And even if your judgment were infallible the method would be wrong, for you have no jurisdiction over other states which authorizes you to do them good by force of arms." We open our morning paper to read of atrocities in the South and in the Philippines, which when committed by the Turk brought horror and indignation. Now we are a great assassin nation and the slaughter of patriots stains our hands. Helpless, as in a nightmare, we cry out in agony, and christian ears are deat. In hypocritically professing to democratize the possessions of Spain, we have imperialized ourselves. Whatever may be the immediate shame and sorrow that await us, to him who loves liberty and places her above all treasure, there is work ahead. Once more the conscience of the state and country must be aroused. "Mid many counsels, sure the noblest one Is to do justice though the heavens should fall, Who to the voice of justice gave NOT heed, At last, in fire and storm, heaven falls, indeed." DAVID FERRIS and others expressed much satisfaction with Mr. Garrison's address with the wish that it might be printed and distributed among the people of Pennsylvania and elsewhere. The resolution relative to the Philippines was re-read and unanimously adopted. On motion it was decided to send a copy of it to the President of the United States. The resolution against war; laid over from the last Yearly Meeting, was re-read and a substitute for its offered, as follows: PEACE. The trial by battle as the means of settling International disputes is barbarous in origin, barbarous in the instruments it employs. The Appeal to Reason is its natural successor under civilized forms, and Arbitration is the natural method of this appeal. We rejoice at all the advances toward International Arbitration which the century has made, and especially at the conference of the great powers at the Hague now, in its name. We cannot characterize too strongly the evils of war and we look with deep regret upon the effort to infuse, into the tender minds of the children in our secular and Sunday schools, the poison virus of militarism which is calculated to retard true civilization and postpone the happy and prosperous age when swords shall be beaten into plow shares, spears into pruning hooks and men shall learn war no more. This testimony was adopted and that of last year dismissed. CIVIL SERVICE. Among practical reforms the success of which is necessary to the maintenance of democratic government, we recognize as of vital moment the the elimination of the spoils system from politics. The advance of civil service reform under the administration of both the political parties has been a source of satisfaction to all friends of good government. We note therefore with regret and indignation the recent order of the President taking upward of ten thousand offices from under the control of the Civil Service rules. We regard this action as a backward step without a shadow of excuse; as not only a failure of the people's chief servant to serve the people, but a direct betrayal by him of the people's trust, and in the interest of bad politics and bad men. This testimony was adopted, and directed to be forwarded, with that on the Philippines, to President McKinley. The testimony on Capital Punishment, before the meeting yesterday, was again read, discussed and unanimously adopted. Ryland W. Phillips and Allen Hinckley rendered a pleasing vocal duet, the choir sang a hymn, and the meeting adjourned. It rained, and the time devoted to luncheon and social enjoyment was spent indoors instead of under the trees. SEVENTH-DAY.-Afternoon Session. The meeting opened with singing by the choir. The house was filled. The Presiding Clerk introduced Benjamin Fay Mills, of Boston, who addressed the meeting on THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION. My friends, I am not a pessimist, a pessimist and an infidel are the same thing. I am not a partisan. I could vote a different ticket at each election. I am not a revolutionist. I am not a prophet nor the son of a prophet, but I believe we live in one of the epoch-making periods of history. In my childhood in an attic room which I dignified by the name of "study," I used to groan because I thought I had not been born in a critical time for the world. When I first looked on the faces of my children I envied them because of what they would live to see. But I no longer do this. We are progressing at a wonderful pace, and were I to tell you what I expect to see before my spirit leaves the body I would tax your credulity. People have made more progress during the present century than in all the former history of mankind. Occasionally we hear some one say that society is sick. Society is not sick. Her pains are growing pains. Ideals are constantly advancing, and once in a while there must come an upheaval to bring conditions nearer to these advanced ideals. The old world passes away and a new world comes into existence. I am an optimist of the optismists. With one of our great women, "I am with to-day as against yesterday, and with to-morrow as against to-day." I believe "the man will have to keep on the run who keeps up with God." Society advances in spirals, getting higher with each revolution. Now after fifty years the great principle discovered is, that of progress, of growth, of evolution, the unity of life, the unity of all things. Out of this is born the social revolution. It has a strictly scientific basis. It is impossible for a man to |