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hate, he loved love. He asked for himself the largest liberty of conscience, and granted to others the fullest measure of the same. In his esteem reputation was at a discount, and character at a premium. The cause of right he espoused while yet it was hated. But his virtues of character shone nowhere more brightly than in his domestic circle. He was light and life and strength in his home, a proud and tender husband, a loving and beloved father, an intelligent and progressive citizen. His earthly walk is ended, but the good he has done lives after him. His energetic and dedicated spirit is left as a vitalizing element in our air.


Just now at the opening of this Yearly Meeting the word passes from lip to lip that JAMES M. PHILLIPS is dead, and another place in this meeting left vacant. Although his voice was seldom heard in counsel, his ear was open to the new truths, and, whether approving or demurring, he recognized the right of private judgment and exercised a full share of charity toward all. Many bright threads of sunshine were woven in his make, and an even and amiable disposition characterized his every action. His life was upright and honorable, and we think of him as a valued friend and a worthy citizen.


Among our heart-wounds of the year that are slow to heal, is that caused by the sudden, accidental death of our dear young MABEL HINCKLEY. Physically, morally, spiritually a beautiful maiden, she seemed given to us to exhibit the possibilities of human excellence, the promise of a completeness and grandeur of womanhood that is rare, and the verification of the thought that our finest ideals may materialize into divine realities. She captured all our hearts with a combina

tion of lovely qualities seldom united in a single character,— innocence coupled with virtue, gentleness with strength, equanimity with enthusiasm, gushing affection with coolness of judgment, a childlike naturalness with a spiritual maturity that seldom comes but with the ripening years. It warms us and sweetens us to think of her. We are glad we have known and loved this now sainted maiden, and grateful to the Divine Goodness that gave to us even for a little while a creature so fair and an influence so holy.

After a moment of silence, MR. HINCKLEY said: It has long seemed to me, friends, that this moment, which we give to thought of, and communion with, our sainted ones, is among the most tender moments of all the year. If it has impressed me so in past years, you may well understand how it comes to me, now, when I have said a conscious, last goodby to the revered mother who went near to the shadows of the valley to give me life, and an unconscious last good-by to the sweet girl whom many of you knew so well, and loved so dearly, and who was to her father the full realization of the ideal. The depth of my own grief only makes me the more sensitive to the griefs which the year has brought to others of you, and it is in unity of thought and feeling that we are all touched with a sense of common and ineffaceable sorrow. May it be that these near and dear ones are still with us in spirit although invisible to our mortal eyes, and that the fellowship of "sweetness and light" shall come to us as a more heavenly reality because we count its members there as well as here.

After a few moments more of silence the meeting joined in singing Longfellow's hymn beginning,

"When the hours of day are numbered."

MR. HENRY B. BLACKWELL was then introduced to deliver the address of the afternoon. He spoke substantially as follows:


I suppose it was just as true a thousand years ago, as it is now, that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, and that those who obey laws should have a voice in their enactment. Yet it was impossible long ago to enforce laws as we now can. Why are we in advance of European countries as regards suffrage? Because we are ahead of them in intelligence. After this country was colonized it had to fight for its independence. Scarcely had the guns of the Revolution stopped firing when the Democratic party asked for suffrage for poor white men, and after a struggle they procured it. The Republican party secured this in the Constitution: that no one should be deprived of the right of suffrage on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. So every poor degraded man can vote, and yet the women cannot. The women who stand for anything want to vote, the resistance mostly coming from the vulgar, ignorant, and brutal classes. In South Dakota a majority of those who can read and write were in favor of woman suffrage. One-third of these were foreigners. Voting is the authoritative expression of an opinion. We deny this right to minors and lunatics, because we think they cannot form an opinion. We also deny this right to women, but not from the same cause. I think there should be a check put upon voting. We should only allow those to vote who can read and write and are able to form a political opinion. I do not wish to take away from any man his right of suffrage, for it belongs to him as much as his house; but a vote governs me as well as the man who casts it, so I wish him to use some judgment in handling it. During the past ten years we have been importing illiterate men, a large portion of whom have become voters. In Massachusetts, in 1880, thirty-one thousand men could not read and write. In 1885 one out of every three hundred could not read and write.

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Voters in Massachusetts are now required to be able to read and write. In Massachusetts, to-day, fifty-six per cent. of the population are foreigners or the children of foreigners. In the South more than one-third of the voters cannot read and write. We have great abuses in our government. General Hawkins says that brutality and vice are triumphant in America. He points to the frauds, and land-grants, wrecking of railroads, timber stealing, sham building, extermination of buffalo, extermination of Indians, etc. Ingersoll replies, making out an extreme case on the other side. The truth is between the two. The immigrants who are coming here now are below any who ever came here before. We shall soon be flooded with this class of people. We should adopt a provision in the Constitution of the United States that every voter must be able to read and write the English language.

Is it wrong to deny the right of making laws to those who are not competent to judge? I would have the State provide proper schools free gratis. I desire this, because thus we can. make a great radical change. One-half of the people are excluded on account of sex. We want a political reform. The only way to get it is to educate the voters. If you say that all the women of Pennsylvania who can read and write may vote you will add forty per cent. to the voters and reform your voting constituency. This is the only way under heaven that you can improve your politics. The women are more chaste, more temperate, more law-abiding than the men, and with their participation politics would be purified.

One of the most aggravating things in government is the disposition to break the laws. It is a principle in government that the laws reflect the character of the voters. If, now, women are more chaste, temperate, and law-abiding than the men, by placing the ballot in the hands of women the government will add all these good things to its politics. I hope you will limit your application for woman suffrage to women who can read and write. We want to make it an honor to vote, which it hardly is now, because every male ragamuffin

has the privilege. The South is in for self-protection on the race problem. If all the women of the South were allowed to vote you would have a million more literate women than the entire number of colored men and women of the United States. In every State except South Carolina the educated women exceed the illiterate men. In the greater desire thus awakened for education, politics will be ennobled, and the government will become enlightened. This reform is the great work for this generation.

At the close of MR. BLACKWELL'S address the Chairman reread the testimonials on Immigration and Suffrage, and the questions they introduced were opened for discussion.

SAMUEL PENNOCK offered an amendment to the one on Suffrage, requiring foreigners to live in this country for twenty-one years before being granted the privilege of the


A very lively discussion ensued, participated in by J. WILLIAMS THORNE, GILES B. STEBBINS, WHITTIER FULTON, MRS. GESTEFELD, and MR. HINCKLEY.

The amendment offered by MR. PENNOCK was then voted down, and the two testimonials were referred to the next Annual Meeting.

After a few closing words by the Presiding Clerk, and singing by the SWAYNE FAMILY, the meeting adjourned.

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