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should be good authority that only four telegrams were sent from the whole of Portugal to the members of the deposed Royal Family on the occasion of the New Year. Another aspirant to the throne, however, has appeared upon the scene in the person of Dom Miguel of Braganza. Dom Miguel's father, while Regent of Brazil, although heir to the throne of Portugal, placed himself at the head of the revolution which led to the separation of Brazil from Portugal. He became the first Emperor of Brazil, but lost all claim to the crown of Portugal, for even the most ardent legitimist could not bring himself to recognize the right of a revolutionist to reign over him. But what Pedro I. had himself lost, he, in violation of a very venerable philosophical maxim, thought to transmit to his daughter, Dona Maria da Gloria, and succeeded in so doing. It is upon her that King Manoel's right to the throne rests. Dom Miguel the father of the present claimant was persuaded, indeed, to swear fidelity to the new Constitution which was made upon Dona Maria's accession, but as is so often the case when perfunctory oaths are taken, he found a way of evading it. In transmitting the oath to Dom Pedro he enclosed a letter to him in which he declared that he had taken the oath only on condition that it involved nothing detrimental to the fundamental statutes of the Kingdom or to his own rights.

So the present Dom Miguel has no scruple in declaring himself the rightful heir. He does not intend, however, to enter into any conspiracy against the Republic, or to take any active measures to secure the throne. He believes that the present experiment will not succeed, that the country will have to fall back upon the monarchical system, and that if it should wish to do so it would revert to the old Miguelist dynasty. The old Constitution would then be restored-a constitution more democratic in its character than the recent one which gave the Cortes the right to depose the Sovereign and to substitute another, while in many other respects the Parliament had more power. Financial reform, progress, and as much personal freedom as possible, would be his watchword. If the country should call upon him in its approaching hour of need he was ready as a duty to it, to come to its aid, however thorny the path might be.

It is beginning to be realized by some of the members of the government itself that the methods so far adopted have

been despotic and arbitrary. The recognition of this is causing a definite line of cleavage between the advanced Socialist group led by the minister of Justice Senhor Affonso Costa and the Moderates or Conservative Republicans. Bureaucratic despotism, the policy of personal authority, is producing a reaction in favor of toleration, constitutional methods and legality. In favor of the latter there seems to be a steady increasing consensus of opinion calling upon the government to formulate without delay the electoral law which is to regulate the elections to the Constitutional Assembly. The government promises that those elections shall take place not later than April and that they will be sans violence. So far as is known the franchise will be restricted to those who are able to read and write.

Turkey.

Turkey and its affairs and interests internal and external have for the past two or three months been

the subject of wide and prolonged discussion. When the revolution took place the Young Turks did not receive from Germany or Austria much in the way of sympathy or support. The latter country took, indeed, advantage of the situation to seek her own aggrandizement at the advantage of the Ottoman Empire. But this has not stood in the way of Turkey's throwing herself again into the arms of Germany, nor has it prevented the latter country securing a position of predominance if not equal to at least approaching that which she held in the days of Abdul Hamid. The Potsdam interview between the Tsar and the Kaiser has resulted however in producing a certain distrust as to the policy of Germany and to the suspicion that the interests of the two countries may come into conflict. Russia of course is the great enemy of Turkey, and when the Young Turks learned that arrangements had been made between the Kaiser and the Tsar with reference to the construction of railways within the Turkish dominions and this without consulting the authorities of those dominions, confidence in Germany's policy has considerably diminished. Turkey has been projecting, or at least thinking of, a system of strategical railways on the frontiers of Russia in North Eastern Anatolia. The arrangement made at Potsdam is said to have put a veto upon the construction of those railways

as well as to have secured for Russia a connection between a projected railway to be built in Persia under Russian auspices and the Baghdad railway which is being made by German subjects through Turkey's possession to the Persian Gulf. Action of this kind was altogether incompatible with the ideas entertained by the Young Turks as to the deference due to their country. Explanations have, indeed, been made by Germany but until a complete publication has taken place of the negotiations between Germany and Russia, judgment cannot be passed upon the character of the future relations between the Germany and Austria on the one hand and Turkey on the other.

It is a fact of supreme interest that the scenes of the earliest events recorded in history, of the beginnings of the human race, the territory comprised within the ancient empire of Babylon and Assyria should be in process of being opened up by Western enterprise to the commerce of the world. The Baghdad Railway when finished will pass through Asia Minor, Mesopotamia and through the valley of the Euphrates to the Persian Gulf. And if the projected railway to be made through Persia connecting the Russian system with that of India is carried into execution of which there is good prospect, modern civilization will supplant, or at least affect, the regions once controlled by the unalterable laws of the Medes and Persians. An economical and social change will have been made as well as the political one which is at present on its trial in Turkey and in Persia.

It is impossible, however, not to feel the gravest of doubts about the success of the political experiment which is being made in Turkey. Under the form of constitutional government, proceedings suitable only to a despotism of the rankest kind have taken place. The policy of Ottamanizing the numerous races within the empire has been adopted, and this by force of arms with the result of causing disaffection every where, and open revolt in several regions. It has been found necessary even to call out the reserves, so serious has the state of things become. The resources of the country, or rather the loans which it has been able to raise, are being squandered on the army and the navy instead of being used for the educational needs of the country and the development of its resources. Political prisoners have, it is said, been sub

jected to various tortures. This however has been denied, and a military court of inquiry has been appointed to investigate the charges. The fact, however, that it is a military court to which the matter has been referred has suggested doubts as to the outcome.

Without any ceremony, followed by no criticism, certain members of the Democratic Party who were accused of publishing attacks on Ministers were arrested and shipped off to an unknown place of exile by a secret Court-martial. It looks as if the leopard could not change his skin, and that the Turk under the best of circumstances must still remain the unspeakable. Rumors indeed were circulated towards the end of January that the mask of constitutionality was to be thrown off and that the War Minister, Shevket Pasha, who has for so long been the dominant influence, was to assume a virtual dictatorship. These have proved so far to be but rumors, and there is still reason to hope that Turkey may emerge from the dangers that threaten and attain some degree at least of political liberty. The foreign relations of Turkey remain very much in statu quo, except that with Bulgaria there is a prospect of a Tariff War. The Bulgarians while a part of the Empire enjoyed freedom of trade within its territories, and are said to be chagrined at this result of their independencethe paying of tariff duties. Being a frugal people, they do not like to pay the price, and independence has lost much of the value which they attached to it.

LMOST twenty-seven years ago the late Most Reverend P. J.

Ryan came to Philadelphia from St. Louis. At that time Archbishop Ryan was in the prime of his intellectual power and his splendid physical strength. From the day of his arrival from the West until the day of his death, there was a marked and progressive development of his influence in the religious and civic life of Philadelphia. The evidence of his high and singular place in the community was seen the moment his serious illness became known. Anxious inquiries flowed into the Cathedral residence from all parts. of the world. Messages of sympathy came from the Holy Father, from the President, from the Governor of Pennsylvania, from clergymen of every denomination, from professional men, and from citizens of the highest and humblest stations.

It may be doubted whether any other prelate of the Church in the United States ever enjoyed in a higher degree and to a greater extent than did Archbishop Ryan, the personal affection of the people of all classes, for the esteem of those outside of the Church was but little less fervent than the love and loyalty of his own spiritual children. His dominating personality at every public function, civil or religious, his golden eloquence, the charming simplicity of his character, made the clergy and laity of Philadelphia proud of their distinguished Archbishop.

The fruits of his wise and beneficent administration are seen in the growth of the Diocese of Philadelphia in a quarter of a century and in its present flourishing condition. In 1884 when he became Archbishop of Philadelphia there were 101 parishes, 260 priests, and 58 parish schools. In his Jubilee Year of 1909 there were 247 parishes, not including missions and chapels, 588 priests, and 128 parish schools.

The characteristic traits of Archbishop Ryan were easily recognized and fully appreciated. He always assumed a positive and unqualified attitude towards Catholic education, and always enunciated in the strongest terms that education should embrace religious and moral teaching, and that religion and morality are inseparable.

His prompt and willing acceptance and practical endorsement of every reasonable proposal for the advancement of religion in his diocese was the more remarkable because of a natural, conservative temperament, which, oftentimes, either looks unfavorably upon what is new, or gives it scant consideration.

He exercised a commanding influence upon public opinion in every movement that concerned the social and moral life of the community.

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