But constitutional guaranties, historical documents, and basic traditions, wonderful though they be, only establish the principles to which we Americans are dedicated. It still takes people to put these principles into practice and keep them alive. And because there are always some people who are slow or unwilling to do what is right, it also takes laws to make people act as they should. Many States and cities have adopted laws during the past decade to make certain that their residents enjoy the rights which belong to all Americans. Fifteen States have outlawed racial and religious discrimination in employment, to make sure that qualified workers have an equal chance for jobs. Three States have forbidden bias in admission to college and professional schools, to give promising young people an equal chance for education. Some 3 dozen cities have enacted ordinances requiring equal treatment in public and publicly assisted housing, to prevent unfair racial segregation and discrimination.

There are also State and city laws, almost a century old in many parts of our country, barring racial or religious discrimination in parks, playgrounds, restaurants, hotels, and other places of public accommodation, resort, or amusement. The entire pattern of race relationships in many aspects of life in the United States is in the process of basic change as a result of the rejection of the "separate but equal" doctrine which had been the legal foundation for a racially segregating society.

During the year 1956 some 797 school districts in Southern and border States were operating desegregated schools in compliance with the Supreme Court's mandate. About 110 or 208 Southern tax-supported universities and colleges now admit students without discrimination or segregation based on race or color. Important strides toward equality and democracy were registered in the areas of industry and housing. Maryland became the first State south of the Mason-Dixon line to desegregate its National Guard. Baltimore and St. Louis became the first cities in the Southern border area to enact fair employment practices ordinances albeit, without enforcement provisions. The President's Committee on Government Contracts reported that business and industrial leaders "are responding in encouraging numbers to the philosophy that equal job opportunity is both good business and good citizenship." Eighteen major airlines agreed to end their bans on the employment of Negro pilots. In the field of housing, New York extended the nondiscrimination provisions of its law to housing built with Government-guaranteed money.

Among the greatest advances in civil rights during 1956 were the changes wrought in the sphere of public accommodations. The Civil Aeronautics Administration banned the use of Federal funds to build or improve segregated restrooms, dining rooms or other airport facilities anywhere in the United States. The Supreme Court ruled that the "separate but equal" doctrine no longer applied to local and intrastate transportation. The Court also made it clear that racial segregation would not be tolerated at any park, playground, bathing beach or recreation area operated by the State or any of its political subdivisions, including cities and municipalities.

But while State and local laws insure equality of treatment and opportunity for millions of Americans, many additional millions are without this protectionor can lose it simply by moving from one city or State to another. Only Congress can adopt nationwide laws, and Congress has failed to enact a single civilrights measure, as such, in the past 80 years.

All the civil-rights bills currently before this committee have been considered by committees of both Houses of the Congress for the past 10 years at least. In fact, the American Jewish Committee, like other organizations that have supported the expansion of civil rights, has testified on numerous occasions before various committees and subcommittees of the Congress and before executive commissions, in favor of the enactment of civil-rights measures.

On March 14, 1945, Mr. Marcus Cohn, Washington counsel of the American Jewish Committee, appeared before a subcommittee of the Senate Committee on Education and Labor, in support of S. 101, which would have established a permanent fair employment practice committee with enforcement powers.

On May 1, 1947, Dr. John Slawson, executive vice president of the American Jewish Committee, proposed to the President's Committee on Civil Rights a comprehensive program including the following recommendations:

(1) Expansion of the Civil Rights Section of the Department of Justice. (2) Enactment of a Federal anti-poll-tax bill.

(3) Enactment of a Federal antilynch bill.

(4) Enactment of a Federal fair-employment practice law with enforcement machinery.

(5) Establishment of a Federal commission on civil rights to serve in an advisory capacity to the President and other Government officials.

(6) Enactment of Federal legislation barring discrimination in educational institutions which receive public funds.

(7) Organization of a Government educational program, through various Federal agencies, to promote civil rights and combat prejudice.

On June 13, 1947, Mr. Ben Herzberg, chairman of our legal and civil affairs committee, testified before a subcommittee of the Senate Committee on Labor and Public Welfare in favor of S. 984, which would have established a permanent fair employment practice committee with enforcement powers.

On April 25, 1949, Col. Harold Riegelman, American Jewish Committee vice president, appeared before the President's Committee on Equality of Treatment and Opportunity in the Armed Forces in support of total and speedy elimination of segregation in the services.

On May 12, 1949, Mr. George J. Mintzer testified on behalf of the American Jewish Committee before a Subcommittee on Elections of the House Committee on Administration, to urge the enactment of H. R. 3199 to abolish the poll tax.

On May 25, 1949, as chairman of our executive committee, I testified before a special subcommittee of the House Committee on Education and Labor and urged the enactment of an effective fair employment practice law.

On October 3, 1951, I appeared before the Senate Committee on Rules and Administration in favor of Senate Resolution 105, to give the Senate realistic power to invoke cloture.

Again, on April 18, 1952, I testified before the Subcommittee on Labor and Labor Management Relations of the Senate Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, urging the enactment of effective legislation to prohibit racial and religious discrimination in employment.

On January 27, 1954, Mr. Nathaniel H. Goodrich, Washington counsel of the American Jewish Committee, testified before the Subcommittee on Civil Rights of the Senate Judiciary Committee, in support of S. 1 to establish a permanent commission to promote respect for civil rights.

On February 24, 1954, Justice Meier Steinbrink testified before the Subcommittee on Civil Rights of the Senate Committee on Labor and Public Welfare, on behalf of both the American Jewish Committee and the Anti-Defamation League, urging the adoption of S. 692 to prohibit racial and religious discrimination in employment.

On July 27, 1955 and again on February 6, 1957 I testified before subcommittees of the Judiciary Committee of the House in favor of a comprehensive program to bring our practices and conduct in the area of civil rights into conformity with our basic principles and constitutional guaranties.

The American Jewish Committee believes the enactment of Federal civil rights legislation is long overdue. We think the Congress should enact a comprehensive program:

To protect the right to equality of opportunity in employment;

To set up a commission to evaluate on a continuing basis the status of our civil rights and to report periodically to the Congress and the executive branch of the Government;

To raise the stature of the Civil Rights Section of the Department of Justice to a division, under the supervision of an Assistant Attorney General, staffed and capable of protecting the civil rights of citizens when they are threatened;

To strengthen the Federal civil rights statutes to permit the invocation of Federal jurisdiction whenever citizens are threatened or molested by State or municipal officials for asserting their constitutional or civil rights;

To abolish the poll tax as a prerequisite for voting for Federal officeholders;

To punish anyone who attempts to interfere with a citizen seeking to exercise his right to vote for Federal officials, whether in primary or general elections;

To outlaw racial segregation in all areas subject to Federal regulation or jurisdiction;

To make lynching a Federal offense.

Congressional committees have repeatedly held hearings and issued reports on many facets of this comprehensive civil rights program. Occasionally, the House has passed one or another of the bills introduced to put this program into

effect. Last year the House passed H. R. 627 but it failed to reach the floor of the Senate. The American Jewish Committee supported that bill and we would endorse that type of meaningful legislation in the 85th Congress.

The American Jewish Committee believes it is time the Federal civil rights legislation moved beyond the stage of committee hearings and reports. We express no preference or order of priority among the various civil rights issues before the Congress. We believe the Congress should deal with all of themthereby bringing our practices and conduct into conformity with our basic principles and constitutional guaranties.

Hon. THOMAS C. HENNINGS, Jr.

JAPANESE AMERICAN CITIZENS LEAGUE,
Washington, D. C., February 12, 1957.

Chairman, Subcommittee on Constitutional Rights, Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Washington, D. C.

DEAR MR. CHAIRMAN: The Japanese American Citizens League (JACL) is submitting this statement, endorsing meaningful civil rights legislation, for inclusion in the record, rather than presenting oral testimony in order that these hearings may be expedited as much as possible and the Senate be given an opportunity to consider this vital subject matter in the immediated future.

Ever since JACL was founded in 1930 as the only national organization of Americans of Japanese ancestry in this country, we have been engaged in the struggle for “equal rights and equal opportunities", and against prejudice and persecution based upon arbitrary considerations of race, color, creed, and national origin.

As Americans of Japanese ancestry, we have been subjected to discrimination because of our race in our immigration and naturalization laws; because of our color in certain legal, social, and economic matters; because of our creed insofar as thousands of our Buddhist Americans are concerned; and because of our national origin in World War II when we were forced to evacuate our west coast homes and associations and to be incarcerated in virtual concentration camps.

Thus, out of our own experiences through the past several decades, we have learned what it means to be denied the basic human dignities. We have also learned that meaningful legislation can contribute much to the elimination of discrimination and persecution. We are, therefore, as an organization and as individuals committed to the proposition that legislation is the most effective and expeditious method to discourage and to minimize violations of civil rights. At the same time, we have learned too that those who would deny civil rightswhether it be the right to the franchise, to the security of person and property, to the opportunities of employment and education-are strong in their convictions, powerful in their influence, and skillful in their ways.

Mindful of all these factors, we urge that these hearings be completed as quickly as possible and that meaningful civil-rights legislation that will rally the most support be reported. Then it is our hope that under inspired bipartisan leadership the pledges of both the Democratic and Republican Parties, made to all the people last fall, will be redeemed and the Congress will enact long-overdue civilrights legislation in this session.

To this end, JACL offers its every facility.
Sincerely,

Mr. CHARLES H. SLAYMAN,

MIKE M. MASAOKA, Washington Representative.

TUSKEGEE CIVIC ASSOCIATION, Tuskegee Institute, Ala., February 19, 1957.

Chief Counsel, Senate Judiciary Committee on Constitutional Rights,
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.

DEAR SIR: I am herewith submitting a notarized statement concerning the situation in Macon County, Ala., with reference to the voter-registration practices. It is my hope that the Senate subcommittee will give the following statement the consideration which it deserves. Enclosed is a photostatic copy of a petition which was sent to the Honorable James E. Folsom, Governor of the State of Alabama, a few days after it was drawn up on August 10, 1956. You

will note that the persons whose signatures and addresses appear on the petition have appealed to the governor, and his associates, urging them to appoint a funetioning board of registrars in order that they might qualify as electors.

In spite of the statement attributed to Mr. McDonald Gallion, a member of Attorney John Patterson's staff, Macon County does not have a functioning board of registrars. A newspaper of February 8 or 9 reported that in his testimony before a Federal committee in Washington Mr. Gallion stated that at one time Macon County was without a board of registrars, but that at that time (February 8 or 9) there was a functioning board.

Thank you for the opportunity to present to the committee the attached notarized statement. It is our hope that you will find it convenient to permit us to appear before the committee and testify.

Respectfully yours,

C. G. GOMILLION, President.

(The petition referred to appears on p. 900.)

THE PROBLEM OF VOTER REGISTRATION IN MACON COUNTY, ALA,

The citizens of Macon County, Ala., have been without a functioning board of registrars since January 16, 1956, when 1 of the 2 members of the board resigned. This period of 13 months-January 16, 1956, to February 18, 1957without a board is not singular, in that from July 1948 to January 1949 they were without a publicly functioning board. The Negroes of this county have striven in vain to get the State board of appointment to appoint a functioning board of registrars. They have carried on a voluminous amount of corre spondence with State and national figures to get an operative board. No less than six conferences were held during the past year with members of the State board of appointment. During some of our conferences the appointing_board members stated that no local persons would agree to serve on the Macon County Board of Registrars. This, however, can be refuted with the fact that nine citizens have submitted affidavits to the Governor, stating that they would serve on the board if they were appointed.

On Sunday, July 8, 1956, many nonvoters of Macon County met and decided, among other things, to send a petition to the Governor, the State auditor, and the commissioner of agriculture and industries, who constitute the State officials who appoint the county boards of registrars.

On August 10, 1956, the local citizens sent a petition to the Governor and his associates, bearing the signatures of 727 unregistered citizens who pleaded with him to bring about the appointment of a board for this county. This appeal has only brought promises, but no publicly functioning board. This petition was followed up with letters from many of the petitioners.

It should be noted that this county has not had its full complement of board members (3) since June 1, 1954, when J. J. Rodgers, who was the third member, was elected to the State legislature. While the personnel of the Macon County Board of Registrars has changed, it has not had over 2 members for 30 months. Indeed, it had only 1 member from January 16 to September 20, 1956 (8 months), at which time Grady Rogers, who was removed in November 1955, was reappointed to membership on the board. Mr. Rogers' appointment failed to effectuate a functioning board of registrars for the reason that Mr. W. H. Bentley, the only other member of the board, was hospitalized at the time of Mr. Rogers' appointment, and was not able to perform his duties as a registrar. Mr. Bentley died on December 4, 1956.

Between December 18, 1955, and February 18, 1957 (14 months), the Macon County Board of Registrars took applications only for 2 days, December 18, 1955, and January 16, 1956. On December 18, 1955, it received 29 applications, and on January 16, 1956, 23 applications were made, for a total of 52 during the 14 months. It issued 28 certificates of registration from this number. This was 53 precent of those making applications. These figures reflect the efforts made by Negroes. As white persons were registered in other places, no records could be compiled of their registration activities.

Macon County State Senator Englehardt is quoted in the August 17, 1951, issue of the magazine Alabama as recommending gerrymandering the county in order that Negroes will not be in an influential political position. He proposed to slice up Macon County, giving portions of it to adjoining counties. He clothed this scheme with legal sanction by saying, "No court could tamper with such a change in Alabama's county boundaries."

On July 19, 1952, Frank Stewart, then commissioner of agriculture and industries, in which capacity he served as a member of the State board of appointment,.

was reported in that day's issue of the Montgomery Advertiser as having said to 200 white members of the Alabama Farm Bureau meeting at Shorter, Ala., that he would uphold the fight of the Macon County Board of Registrars in fighting for their rights and principles. He further said, "It is necessary for us to stand together for our rights and to maintain our citizenship ideas."

During the years 1951 through 1954, 1,024 Negroes made application for certificates of registration to the Macon County board. Of this number only 270 were certified, or only 1 for each 3.76 applying. During 1954, 366 citizens made 456 applications (many of these made applications in previous years). The board issued 167 certificates, or 1 certificate for each 2.7 applications made during this period. The average number of certificates issued per day for the 33 days the board worked publicly was 5. The board took an average of 13.5 applications per day.

The board was required by law to work 40 days during 1954, but it met publicly and took applications only 33 days, or it worked only 82.5 percent of the required time. On the days it met, the board would take applications for 5 hours (9:30 until 3:30); have 1 hour for lunch. With no information to the contrary, it is assumed that the board is required to work 8 hours per day when in session. The difference in the number of hours they worked publicly and the number which they were required to work amounted to 3 hours per day.

During this period Negro citizens appealed to the public and public officials through newspaper advertisements to use whatever influence they had to get a democratically functioning board of registrars in Macon County. Many national newspapers and periodicals have pointed up the efforts of Negroes in Macon County to get enfranchised.

On August 25, 1945, a class action court suit was filed against the Macon County board in the United States Federal Court for the Middle District of Alabama. At the same time 25 cases were filed in the local State circuit court. On November 6, 1953, five local Negroes filed a class action court suit in the United States Federal Court for the Middle District of Alabama.

C. G. GOMILLION.

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 19th day of February 1957. [SEAL]

My commission expires June 26, 1957.

LOUIS A. RABB, Notary Public.

STATEMENT OF LAMAR OLIN WEAVER TO THE SENATE JUDICIARY SUBCOMMITTEE ON CIVIL RIGHTS, MARCH 8, 1957

My name is Lamar Weaver, 1131 North 29th Street, Birmingham, Ala. I offer this statement to the Senate Judiciary Subcommittee studying proposed civil rights legislation.

When you cross the Mason-Dixon line into the South you enter a foreign country, a country where violence and mob rule are king, and the Ku Klux Klan holds meetings in open violation of the law wearing hoods and robes. They also carry firearms without permits.

One instance I can give is a meeting in the month of January 1957, in the Central Park Theater which is now rented and occupied by the North Alabama Citizens Council. One Alabama citizen council figure, Asa Carter, according to warrants sworn out by Birmingham city detectives, did shoot with intent to murder not less than 1 nor more than 2 participants in a Ku Klus Klan meeting (Federated Ku Klus Klan of the Confederacy) who had rented the theater for that night and were holding a meeting with hoods and robes on. According to the testimony given by the injured parties or party, they were carrying concealed weapons. At this date Asa Carter is under a $2,000 bond for the abovenamed charge. Witnesses testify also in the case that Asa Carter was hooded and robed also.

Another instance took place on March 6, 1957, at approximately 2:30 p. m. on or about the terminal station, Birmingham, Ala. A white man, one Lamar Olin Weaver, was mobbed, kicked, and struck with a suitcase, had his car rocked by an angry mob which numbered between 50 and 100. On the same date and at the same time, the Reverend F. L. Shuttlesworth and wife bought a ticket to Atlanta, Ga., and sat in the white waiting room of the above-named station.

A mob of approximately 300 persons, some of whom identified themselves to Lamar Olin Weaver as Klansmen; and one person who was identified by the 89777-57-56