citizens in the two counties. When a top official was asked what is the chance for getting a few Negroes registered in one of these counties, he readily replied, "the time is not ripe." Do you really think so? "Yes, it would do more harm than good."

An analysis of the registration of Negroes by congressional districts will reveal further verification of the influence of the Negro population on registration. Table II which tabulates the voting of Negroes by congressional districts will show some marked increase.

TABLE II.-Voting age of Negroes registered in 1952 and 1954, by congressional district

It will be noted from table II that the percentage of those voting tends to reflect the weakness of the potential Negro vote. The central and southern congressional districts invariably have a lower percentage of Negro voters than the northern district. The total number of Negroes of voting age is invariably higher in the southern half of the State, but the percentage of Negroes voting is invariably lower.

Of the four southern districts; namely, First, Second, Third, and Fourth, there are 260,976 Negroes of voting age, but only 22,053 are registered voters which is 8.4 percent of the number of Negroes of voting age. Contrasting this situation with the northern districts, we have 121,342 Negroes of voting age with 21,965 registered voters. The percentage of voters is more than double the southern areas. The percentage of those registered in the northern half is 18.1. In the tabulation of the comparison of the north and south Jefferson County, Birmingham is left out. It deserves special treatment as a separate entity.

There are other analysis which should be done in order to get a clearer picture on the registration of Negro voters. Within the districts there is revealed a differential among the counties making up the district. In every congressional district, one county stands out above the rest in number and percentage. These two measures do not correlate in any manner except in the Second or Third Districts. In District 1 (note table III) Mobile County has the largest number of voters but stands second in percentage. Marengo is second in number but is saved from the last place in percentage only by Wilcox which has no registered Negro voters. The second congressional picture is even worse than the first. Montgomery County has the largest number of registered Negro voters but is saved from last place in percentage by Lowndes which has none and Covington County which has a poor record for registering Negroes. Macon County is second in the number of registered voters with three counties less than it in percentage column. Henry County leads in percentage. This is an interesting county. It was not until 1951 that there were any voters in this county. The leadership there will be treated under another heading.

The Fourth Congressional District reveals a different situation from all others. Dallas County, with largest number of Negroes of voting age, has the smallest percentage of Negro voters. This verifies the contention of many persons that the more Negroes in a place the more difficult it is to register. This does not hold true for the percentage of Negroes in the population. There are counties with much higher percentage of Negroes than Dallas County and have more voters numerically registered.

The analysis of the Sixth District is unique in that Tuscaloosa County has 70 percent of the voters in this district. However, 4 counties have over 56 percent of the voting population and only 10 percent of the registered voters for the district.

The 4 counties have 28,598 Negroes of voting age and only 775 registered Negro voters. The Negro population of voting age is 65 percent of the population of voting age in these counties. The area of large planation and excessive Negro population one would expect not only difficulty but timid and frightened Negroes. The leadership is not what it should be. Those who have assumed this role have done a good job. Unfortunately they have not received too much encouragement from the top brass. The leadership has come mostly from the lower echelon. There is some evidence of fear existing among those who are better qualified to lead. The fear of reprisal is much in evidence. Those better trained for leadership role, too often, fail to assume any part in the struggle because of fear for jobs. This accounts in a large measure, for the lethargy of the mass of our voters. The college-trained Negro, refuses to interest himself in the struggle for the ballot. This is due to two causes; namely, fear for his job, and secondly, too many are not aware of the value of the ballot to a citizen in a democracy. TABLE III.-Registration in counties by congressional districts, population of Negroes of voting age, and total vote by district and counties

TABLE III.-Registration in counties by congressional districts, population of Negroes of voting age and total vote by district and counties-Continued

1 Figures in this column are taken from the AP release, Birmingham News, Apr. 16, 1954.

Finally, the long period-70 years-(1876-1946) in which the ballot was de nied has conditioned the Negro to think negatively of it. He must be awakened to his civic and political responsibility if he is to ever achieve his status as a citizen in a great democracy.

The registration of the Negro in Alabama may be regarded as the No. 1 problem for the Negro in Alabama. A quick glance at table IV gives a vivid picture of the voting strength of the Negro and the gain made in the 2-year period. In many counties the vote has tripled and multiplied even more in several counties. It cannot be called to the attention too often that the percentage makes the achievement look better than it really is. Conecuh County which had a gain of approximately 400 percent, would appear to be phenomenal and the same may appear to be so of many other counties like Monroe, Clark, Chambers, Elmore, and others, but when we consider the base we get a different meaning. It is commendable that such an increase has been made. However, we must not be lulled to sleep over apparent numerical increase, nor become too jubilant over increased percentage.

Autauga County is a case in point, the increase was 200 percent, but the total vote including the increase is only 1.13 percent. These figures do have merit and should be studied carefully. Every county except Jefferson, Hale, and Bullock had an increase. The increases are evidence of two things: First, there is an awakening of the civic responsibility of a growing number of Negro citizens; second, there is developing a new aggressive and responsible leadership. The leadership quality may be determined in several ways: First, organization for stimulating citizens to register; Second, the number of registered voters; Third, the amount of stimulation or motivation shown by those of voting age, and finally the extent to which the Negro has been able to overcome the opposition of the board of registrars to Negro registration.

TABLE IV.-Negro registration by counties in 1954, number of voting age, and the percent of increase over 1952

From the reports, from questionnaires sent to leaders and officials in several counties in the State the attempt will be made to categorize the counties according to difficulties in registering Negro voters. The criteria used are based on the number of voters, the attitude of the board of registrars, and the effectiveness of the leadership. There are three counties in which Negroes are unable to register. These are called the (1) prohibited counties, namely, Bullock. Although there are six registered Negro voters, there has actually been a deerease since the last report in 1952. No Negro has been able to register there in several years. The other two are Lowndes and Wilcox. (2) Difficult counties include Autauga, Barbour, Choctaw, Covington, Dallas, Elmore, Green, Hale, Jefferson, Macon, Marshal, Marengo, Monroe, Montgomery, Perry, and Sumter. (3) The moderate counties are: Barbour, Bibb, Clarke, Coffee, Conecuh, Crenshaw, Fayette, Geneva, Houston, Lee, Madison, Mobile, Randolph, Pike, and Shelby. The difficult counties are those in which the Negroes have much trouble qualifying for the ballot. These counties either refuse, turn away a large number under the pretense that they failed to fill out the blank correctly, or place additional requirements through additional questions, permit only white to sign the application or use only white names as witnesses, along with other pretense.

The liberal counties are those in which differences in the treatment of the Negro and white is not very much in evidence. In some of these counties boards of registrars are cordial and encouraging. Among these counties are listed Baldwin, Butler, Calhoun, Chilton, Colbert, Coosa, Etowah, Jackson, Lauderdale, Limestone, Morgan, Talladega, Tuscaloosa, Walker, and Washington.

This classification may be challenged, but to our knowledge this is a fair gradation. In the near future the attempt will be made to do a better job. One of the bases for placing many of the counties in the third class is the voting strength of the county and the percentage of those voting. There are some counties which the leaders claim there is no trouble with the board but the voting strength refutes this claim. Others claim that it is the apathy of the Negro which is rejected on an associated claim that sufficient effort has not been made to stimulate voting by the Negroes. Too often other citizens from the same county tell a different story.

The story may be summarized briefly. The boards of registrars are in many counties becoming more liberal. More Negroes are presenting themselves before the boards for registration. There is an increased awareness on the part of the Negro of the value of the ballot, and he is striving to become a qualified voter. There is an increasing number registering and voting. The boards are still discouraging many Negroes in their attempt to register. There is still a need for effective leadership.

The discrimination against Negro voters has its repercussions on the white. In many counties the whites have also shown a tendency to have a lower voting record. This may be due to the poll taxes. However, both races have shown a creditable increase after its repeal. The future of the Negro may not be as encouraging, dark as that may be, because there is a sinister force at work at this time which makes it difficult to predict the future.

STATEMENT OF IRVING M. ENGEL, PRESIDENT, AMERICAN JEWISH COMMITTEE BEFORE THE SENATE JUDICIARY SUBCOMMITTEE ON CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS, FEBRUARY 19, 1957

The American Jewish Committee was organized in 1906 and incorporated by special act of the Legislature of the State of New York in 1911. Its charter states:

"The objects of this corporation shall be, to prevent the infraction of the civil and religious rights of Jews, in any part of the world; to render all lawful assistance and to take appropriate remedial action in the event of threatened or actual invasion or restriction of such rights, or of unfavorable discrimination with respect thereto ***”

For 50 years, it has been a fundamental tenet of the American Jewish Committee that the welfare and security of Jews are inseparably linked to the welfare and security of all Americans, whatever their racial, religious, or ethnic background may be. We believe that an invasion of the civil rights of any group threatens the safety and well-being of all groups in our land. Hence we are vitally concerned with the preservation of constitutional safeguards for all.