denied the right to register in 1956, and was therefore turned down at the last general election and not permitted to vote along with some 85 others, all Negroes. This is signed by Prof. G. D. Barnes, who asks permission to come and testify on this matter.

As I have indicated, we have been willing, in the interest of making a beginning and of breaking the legislative stalemate, to keep our demands at a minimum, though without relinquishing our principles. We are willing, that is, to accept much less at this time than we believe to be justified. I must emphasize precisely what this means. It means that we are willing to accept a minimum bill but that it must be a meaningful bill.

The test is not to be met by any bill with a civil-rights label, but only by one that deals effectively with two basic problems I have just outlined. The Department of Justice has repeatedly testified that existing statutes are inadequate to furnish protection against, denials of these rights. Accordingly, any legislation which would only provide for a civil-rights division in the Justice Department, and for an investigating commission on civil rights, and does not at the same time correct the inadequacies which render such agencies impotent under existing law, would be civil-rights legislation in name only. We favor a Civil Rights Division in the Department of Justice, and we favor a Commission on Civil Rights, as they were incorporated in H. R. 627 last year. But we regard the creation of such agencies as supplements too, not substitutes for, meaningful civil-rights legislation.

Last year was not the first time the House of Representatives had passed civil rights bills. The major problem has been in the Senate, where the rules have operated, both in committees and on the floor, to prevent or obstruct an expression of majority will.

Unfortunately, last year's House action, and the action in the Senate subcommittee, came so late in the session that it virtually guaranteed the success of the opposition's tactics. This time, your subcommittee comes to its consideration of civil rights bills sufficiently early to make their passage a possibility.

Earlier this year, efforts to modify Senate rules, so as to make it somewhat easier to bring legislation to a vote, failed by a relatively narrow margin. It was repeatedly stated at that time that a filibuster on a meaningful civil-rights bill could and would be overcome. Now is the time to demonstrate that this is indeed the case.

The organizations for whom I have the honor to speak have in the past ordinarily testified in their own names. Many others who have so testified have this time sent in written statements. We have done this not because we feel any less strongly than before but in order to do everything we can to expedite the work of this committee, to accelerate the completion of the hearings, and to bring about an early report and favorable Senate action at the earliest possible

moment.

However, should the Senate hearings develop into a forum for the anti law and order forces which have filled the House record with racist poison, these organizations will renew their requests for an opportunity to appear and present testimony.

It is unfortunate that, in the interest of prompt action, proponents of law and order must remain silent while public officials from

Southern States, where democracy is often ignored both in spirit and practice, are permitted to delay committee action.

Last week before a House subcommittee-and it may be anticipated that a repetition will be staged before this subcommittee-charges were made by certain opponents of this legislation that it would set up a Gestapo in the Southern States. That the word "Gestapo" should have occurred to some of these witnesses does not appear strange when we survey certain legislation and other regulations now in force and effect in areas from which they come.

I submit for the inspection and study of the members of this subcommittee these exhibits of daily newspaper stories, one of which,, from the Jackson (Miss.) Daily News of May 15, 1956, proclaims, "State To Hire Secret Racial Investigators."

This was a page 1 story, Mr. Chairman.

Another, from the Atlanta (Ga.) Journal of August 17, 1955, states that a teacher may not hold theories contrary to Georgia's traditional policy of segregated schools.

Still another, from the Jackson (Miss.) State Times of May 15, 1956, states that the new secret investigators would "interview persons involved in integration moves in the courts" and "would keep an eye on meetings of Negro groups such as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People."

(The exhibits referred to are as follows:)

[Jackson Daily News, Jackson, Miss., May 15, 1956]

STATE TO HIRE SECRET RACIAL INVESTIGATORS-PROBERS TO AID IN FIGHT To PRESERVE SEGREGATION; GROUP MAY INCLUDE NEGRO

(By Phil Stroupe)

The State sovereignty commission Tuesday voted to employ secret investigators as "an official arm of State government" who would "serve as the eyes and the ears" in the State's fight against racial integration.

Gov. J. P. Coleman, chairman of the 12-member group created to assure continued racial segregation, told the commission that plans approved by it today "will bring this commission into its full effect and fruition."

To carry out its work, the commission elected a full-time executive director, a director of publicity, and "such investigators as the chairman may deem necessary" to prepare the State's course of action against court suits to end segregation.

"We are not a beleaguered State with our backs to the wall," Coleman said. “I see no reason for alarm, frustration, or futility. We have got the ball and it's up to the opposition to take the initiative."

CHIEF HICKS HIRED

The commission voted to hire Chief L. C. Hicks, of highway patrol, to head the investigative force that will serve as the "intelligence corps" against the enemy camp.

"Chief Hicks is a former sheriff and if he doesn't know how to handle a job such as this there just isn't one in the State who does."

Governor Coleman was authorized, as chairman of the commission, "to employ such other investigators at salaries commensurate with their duties and responsibilities" to assist Chief Hicks. Hicks' salary would remain the same as it is with the highway patrol.

The commission elected Representative Ney Gore, of Marks, as its full-time executive director at a salary of $7,200 a year. Gore, who served as secretary of the old Legal Education Advisory Committee, would be the mainspring of the commission. "He would be the correlator of our operations," Coleman said, "with full authority to travel and represent the commission."

DECELL PUBLICITY DIRECTOR

Hal Decell, editor of the Deer Creek Pilot at Rolling Fork and publicity director for Governor Coleman in the 1955 campaign, was elected director of publicity at a maximum salary of $6,500 a year.

In addition, the commission voted to employ Mrs. Stella Parham, former LEAC stenographer, as the chief clerical assistant for the commission at $275 a month. Attorney Hugh Clayton, of New Albany, suggested that one of the investigators to be employed by the commission "might even be a Negro."

House Speaker Walter Sillers and W. S. Henley, of Hazlehurst, constitutional law experts, suggested that the identity of the "investigators" be kept secret. The commission authorized the field men "to spend what money is necessary to acquire the information" needed to thwart efforts of integration.

The commission was given a $250,000 appropriation by the legislature to accomplish its work.

Senator Earl Evans, Jr., of Canton, emphasized the "vital and important role of the investigators."

NEED FRIENDS

As the director of publicity, Henley said, "We need to win friends outside the South, and an expert will be required for that job."

The commission did not employ a legal adviser but all of its 12 members are lawyers and the need for legal advice can for the time being be found within its own ranks.

Governor Coleman named a three-member steering committee composed of Evans, Henley, and Attorney General Joe T. Patterson to make policy to submit to the full commission.

Other members present were: Lt. Gov. Carroll Gartin, Senator William Burgin of Columbus, Representatives Joe Hopkins of Clarksdale, W. H. Johnson of Decatur, George Payne Cossar of Charleston, and George Thornton of Kosciusko.

[Atlanta (Ga.) Journal, August 17, 1955]

TEACHERS WON'T HAVE TO SIGN ANY NEW OATH, COLLINS SAYS-CITES PLEDGE IN EVERY CONTRACT AS Safeguard FOR AMERICAN IDEALS

Teachers will not have to sign any new oath in order to comply with the State board of education's most recent ruling regarding teachers' beliefs, State School Superintendent M. D. Collins says.

Dr. Collins said Wednesday that a satisfactory oath is attached to the contract that every teacher signs each year with the county that employs him. The oath is on the back of the contract form.

After signing the front, the teachers merely turns the paper over and signs the back, Dr. Collins said.

The State board of education, Monday, tabled two controversial resolutions which would have directed punitive action against teachers who favor desegregation of the school system or who were members of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People.

Attorney General Eugene Cook told the board that present State laws and regulations could accomplish the purpose better than the resolution. The board then asked county boards of education to take over the job of seeing that teachers who favor desegregation are not permitted to work in the school system. It instructed the county boards to get an oath from all teachers by October 15 that they will not subscribe to "any theory of government or economics or of social relations which is inconsistent with the fundamental principles of patriotism and high ideals of Americanism."

At first there was confusion as to whether a new oath would be required. Then, Wednesday, Dr. Collins called attention to the oath which is executed every time a teacher signs a contract.

On the back of the contract form, it reads in full:

"Before me, an officer duly authorized by law to administer oaths, personally appeared the undersigned, who, after being duly sworn, says that during employment as a teacher in the public schools, colleges, or universities, or in any other capacity as an employee of the State of Georgia, or any subdivision thereof, drawing a weekly, monthly, or yearly salary, deponent will uphold, support, and defend the Constitution and laws of this State and of the United States, and will

refrain from directly or indirectly subscribing to or teaching any theory of government or economics or of social relations which is inconsistent with the fundamental principles of patriotism and high ideals of Americanism."

At the bottom of the oath are blanks for the signature of the teacher, and for the seal and signature of a notary public.

The signed contract forms are kept in the office of the school superintendent of each county or independent system.

The State board has held that if a teacher signs this oath in good conscience, he cannot hold any theories of "social relations" which are contrary to Georgia's traditional policy of segregated schools.

State board member W. T. Bodenhamer, of Tift County, said Tuesday, however, that he is not sure the State board has the power to define what "social relations" in the oath means. The legislature wrote the oath in a joint resolution, passed March 26, 1935. It may be up to the legislature to say what it means by the term, the board-member said.

Mr. Bodenhamer, in addition to being a member of the State board of education, is also a Tift County legislator.

In addition to the oath on the back of the contract form, Georgia teachers are also required to swear in a separate oath that they are not Communists and have no sympathy with communism. This was started under the Herman Talmadge administration.

[State Times, Jackson, Miss., May 15, 1956]

SOVEREIGNTY UNIT VOTES TO EMPLOY HICKS AS PROBER

COUNTERATTACK ON INTEGRATION

(By John Herbers, United Press staff correspondent)

The State sovereignty commission today authorized Gov. J. P. Coleman to hire secret investigators and informants to get all the facts from the enemy camp in the segregation fight.

The commission, Mississippi's official segregation "watchdog," voted to hire Highway Patrol Chief L. C. Hicks to head counterintelligence activities against forces seeking racial integration.

"Wherever there is a petition filed for integration," Coleman said, "we will want to see what the basis is to it."

The organization also would keep an eye on what Coleman called clandestine meetings of Negro groups seeking integration, such as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and the regional council of Negro leadership.

Hicks would send out investigators to interview persons involved in integration moves in the courts "to get all the facts for a counterattack." The commission left it up to Coleman to decide how many men to hire to help Hicks and gave him freedom to spend a reasonable amount for paid informants.

House Speaker Walter Sillers suggested that the identity of Hicks' assistants be kept secret and the commission agreed. Attorney Hugh Clayton of New Albany suggested that one of the investigators "might be a Negro."

The commission hired State Representative Ney Gore of Quitman County as its executive director at a salary of $7,200 a year and voted to offer the job as fulltime publicity man to Hal DeCell of Rolling Fork, editor of the Deer Creek Pilot, at $6,500.

In Rolling Fork, DeCell said "possibilities are that I will accept" if the post is offered him, but he added he had not as yet been formally notified of his selection.

"I think the post itself could be of great service to Mississippi and I think it could also be effective in winning friends across the Nation," said DeCell.

DeCell, who is 31. served as director of publicity to Governor Coleman's gubernatorial campaign last summer.

He said his wife would take over operation of the Deer Creek Pilot should he leave his editor's post. The newspaper has received State and national journalism awards.

DeCell, a native of Vicksburg, attended the University of Alabama and the University of Mississippi, is a former commercial artist and professional musician and made three round-the-world trips during his service with the merchant marine from 1943 to 1947, including 42 months of sea duty. Hicks would move from the highway patrol at his present salary.

The group postponed hiring a full-time attorney to map legal defense against integration efforts because the unidentified lawyer the commission had decided on, rejected the offer.

Coleman reminded the commission that the NAACP had said it would file its first suit for school integration in Mississippi in June.

When suits or petitions are filed against a school district, he said, investigators would start to work gathering information on the people involved for use in drawing up court procedures. He suggested that they also would look for any violation of new State laws like on prohibiting fomenting agitation to break down the State's laws and customs.

The publicity man would conduct an advertising and publicity campaign in the North to "give the Nation the real facts" about Mississippi. A swing in public opinion favorable to southern customs would be the long-range goal.

The commission, created by the recent session of the legislature, was given $250,000 to spend over a 2-year period as it sees fit toward maintaining segregation. It was also given broad powers to subpena witnesses and examine documents.

Coleman appointed a subcommittee composed of Attorney General Joe Patterson, Attorney W. S. Henley of Hazlehurst and Senator Earl Evans of Canton to supervise setting up the commission's working organization, which will be headed by Gore, a Marks' attorney. Gore was secretary to the old legal education advisory committee which mapped Mississippi's main defense against school integration.

Mr. WILKINS. It is here submitted, gentlemen of the subcommittee, that a Gestapo has already been set up and is in operation in certain areas. What the opponents of this legislation fear is that passage of civil-rights bills safeguarding the constitutional rights of citizens of the United States will doom their empire of thought-control and secret police.

Mr. Chairman, in support of this matter of restrictive legislation, I would like to submit for the inspection of the committee the volumes of Race Relations Law Reporter, published at Vanderbilt University in Tennessee, volume I, No. 5 for October 1956, and I cite only the headings of the legislation:

"Education, Teachers, Louisiana, Act No. 249 of the 1956 regular session of the Louisiana Legislature approved July 8, 1956 provides for additional causes for the removal of permanent teachers in the public-school system. These causes include membership in any organization prohibited from operating in the State by injunction (Louisiana ex Rel. Le Blanc v. Lewis 1 Race Rel. L. Rep. 571.)

Or, Mr. Chairman, the advocacy of the integration of the races in the public schools or institutions of higher learning.

Not only does it provide for the dismissal of school teachers, sir, but for the dismissal of school-bus operators.

In act No. 248 of the 1956 session in addition to the language above says "or the advocacy of racial integration in the public schools or institutions".

Senator ERVIN. Pardon me, what State is that?

Mr. WILKINS. This is Louisiana, sir. This is the regular session of the Louisiana Legislature through July 8, 1956, providing "for additional causes for removal of school-bus operators" and one of those causes set forth in the title of the act is "The advocacy of racial integration in the public schools."

This is a cause for dismissal from employment as a school-bus operator.

In Mississippi in this volume here which I submit for the inspection of the committee, also published at Vanderbilt University in Tennessee, the State sovereignty commission is created; the act provides for the