"5

hibiting some legend significant of Nature's change", of the visible universe in which the divinity is revealed, and whose import was in many respects as open to the Pagan as to the Christian. Beyond the current traditions or iɛpo λoyo of the temple, few explanations were given to the spectators, who were left, as in the school of Nature, to make inferences for themselves. It has been said that the method of indirect suggestion (allegory or vπovoia) is a more efficacious instrument of instruction than plain didactic language, since we are habitually indifferent to that which is acquired without effort; "the initiated are but few, though many bear the thyrsus,' and it would have been impossible to provide a lesson suited to every degree of cultivation and capacity unless it were one framed after Nature's example, or rather a representation of Nature herself, employing her universal symbolism instead of technicalities of language, inviting endless research yet rewarding the humblest enquirer, and disclosing its secrets to every one in proportion to his preparatory training and power to comprehend them". Yet though destitute of any formal or official enunciation of those important truths which even in a cultivated age it was often found inexpedient to assert except under a veil of allegory, and which, moreover, lose their dignity and value in proportion as they are learned mechanically as dogmas', the shows of the mysteries contained suggestions which, in the opinion not of one competent witness only but of many, were adapted to elevate the character of the spectators, enabling them to

3 Cicero, N. D. i. 42.

4 “ Το μεν δι' ὑπονοιας σημαινομενον αγαστον, το δε φανέρως λεγομενον ευτελές. Plut. in Lobeck, p. 161.

5 Clem. Alex. Strom. i. 19, p. 372. Plato, Phædo, 69 d.

6

Comp. Herod. ii. 3; where the names or symbols open to all men, appear to be contrasted with the interpretations, more or less conjectural and unauthorized, which could not be published with safety or advantage.

7 The very permanence of the mysteries is a proof that their form was not dogmatical but suggestive or illustrative, susceptible of modifications of interpretation like the notion of Zeus or of Elysium, and connected with those hopes and fears which attend mankind from their lowest state to their maturity.

augur something of the purposes of existence as well as of the means of improving it, to live better and to die happier. Unlike the religion of books or creeds, these mystic shows and performances were not the reading of a lecture but the opening of a problem, implying neither exemption from research nor hostility to philosophy; on the contrary, philosophy might be justly called the great "mystagogue, "10 the arch-expounder of

symbolism, the soul's best guide through the labyrinth of mythology as through that of Nature, and it has been already noticed how from its outset the philosophy of Greece eagerly undertook the task of interpreting its mythi, endeavouring, often rashly and injudiciously, to find support in ancient symbolism for its own physical or moral dogmas. It is as indisputable that in many instances its interpretations were ill founded as that in others they were correct. It was impossible to deny that within the mass of Hellenic mythi might be found a purpose and a use, that some were illustrative of physical phenomena, some calculated to inspire consolation or to dissipate groundless fears; but it was alleged that these possible advantages were practically of small amount, owing to the limited number of those who from habits of reflection were likely to use and appreciate them". Yet neither the rarity of philosophical thought nor the uncertainty of its interpretations can be said to demonstrate the absolute superiority, at least in these matters, of the didactic method over the symbolical. If one be more definite and perspicuous, the other is more forcible and comprehensive; and no better means could be devised to rouse a dormant intellect than those impressive exhibitions which addressed it through the imagination, which instead of condemning it to a prescribed routine of creed invited it to seek,

• Cicero de Leg. ii. 14; 269, Creuz. Aristoph. Frogs, 346. 455. Aristides, Eleusin. 256. 415, and 421, Dind. Pind. Frag. 128. Lobeck, 39. 69. 73.

9 “ Τα δεικνυμενα και δρωμενα.” Plut. Isis and Osiris, ch. iii.

10 64 "Aoyov sx Qi2000Qias μvoraywyor." Plut. ib. ch. lxviii. The true Bacchanal, says Plato, is the true philosopher. Phædo, 694. "Dionys. Hal. Antiq. ii. 20.

compare, and judge. The alteration from symbol to dogma is as fatal to beauty of expression as that from faith to dogma to truth and wholesomeness of thought. The first philosophy often reverted to the natural mode of teaching as well as to mythological imagery, and Socrates in particular is said to have eschewed dogmas, endeavouring, like the mysteries, rather to awaken and develop in the minds of his hearers the ideas with which they were already endowed or pregnant, than to fill them with ready-made adventitious opinions 12. This negative or reserved method was not devised for the purpose of concealing the truth, but as a mode of expression when other modes were defective or wanting. The earliest speculation endeavoured to express far more than it could distinctly comprehend, and the vague impressions of the mind found in the mysterious analogies of phenomena their most apt and energetic representatives. Nature may be studied either in its wide bearings and analogies, or to ascertain its immediate links of causation and succession. In regard to the former, or things transcendental, mankind can scarcely be said to have advanced beyond the religious symbolism of India, Egypt, or Eleusis, for even Christianity admits the invisible world to be inconceivable, and that men can know God only so far as they become acquainted with his laws, and act in conformity with his will. "Behold," exclaims Lobeck1o, "the vaunted results of the august mysteries of the Pelasgian philosophers; they knew the great truths that wine inebriates, that fruit and corn are the food of man, that the fields begin to yield their increase in spring, and that in autumn their produce dies away!" These are indeed but trifles, yet the lessons of Nature, however trite, and often unheeded from their very simplicity, contain a wisdom still unfathomed, and every discovery either in theology or science may exemplify the remark of the Roman, that it was only by attending to trifles that his country acquired a power which overcame the world. All nature is as nothing to those unable to comprehend it, the 12 Diog. Laert. i. 16. Cic. de Or. iii. 16. Brandis, Hist. Philos. ii. 19. 24. Aglaoph. p. 180.

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firmament but a collection of vapours, the earth a lump of common dirt. "If," says Lobeck 1, "there was no distinction in the mysteries of exoteric and esoteric, all hope of maintaining their dignity is at an end." As well may it be said that because Nature is open to all, without being comprehended by all, her operations are but an insipid and undignified routine, the mechanism to which the unreflecting are harnessed in order to turn them to material account. The steps of initiation were inseparably bound up with the constitution of phenomena, and had their necessary existence in the minds of the novitiates. The poet or philosopher might be said by virtue of their office either to have been initiated or to be above the want of initiation, since they had already felt in nature those eloquent analogies of which the mysteries were but a false or feeble image, revealing no new secret to those unprepared or incapable of interpreting their significancy. The eventual separation of the office of philosopher from that of priest', that is, from a technical acquaintance with traditions about days and seasons and peculiarities of temples and deities, affords no proof that the latter were destitute of foundation in what may be called the philosophy of the times in which they originated. Pythagoras might have sought the initiation which Socrates from an obscure statement was thought to have neglected, since philosophy itself was in many respects the offspring of theology and of the lore commonly ascribed to Orpheus 16, a name not to be understood pragmatically of an historical being distinct from Eumolpus or Musæus", but as a general personification of the old Thracian theology and theological poetry in the sense understood by Pindar's, including, as presumed author of the

14 Aglaoph. p. 43.

16

15 Plato, Polit. 2904.

16 Apollod. i. 3. 2. Eurip. Rhesus. 940. Lactant. i. 22.

17 Plato, Protag. 316, compared with Aristoph. Rana, 1032. Comp. Lobeck Agl. 187. 239.

18 Pyth. iv. 177. Andã, warng sUMCINTOS Oppius. Höeck, Kreta, iii. 195. Orpheus is chiefly described as a rλerns in relation to Dionysus, Musaeus as Cresmologos in relation to Demeter; but the gods and offices were united. The oldest mention of Orpheus by Ibycus proves that the name was already celebrated.

That

heroic metre, the names of Homer and Hesiod among his descendants and disciples1o. From this common source of religion and poetry flowed in one direction the inspiration of the epic, in another the symbolism and ceremonial of the Hierophant. Both were connected with the same mythical personage, who, like Hermes or Zoroaster, unites human attributes with divine, and is himself the god whose worship he introduced, teaching rude men the commencements of civilization through the influence of song, and connecting with the symbol of his death, emblematic of that of nature, the most essential consolations of religion".

$ 19.

THE WORSHIP OF DIONYSUS.

To say that Orpheus founded the mysteries' is tantamount to the assertion that the first religionists were poets. Poetry arose long before Homer, whose silence in regard to the name of Orpheus no more disproves his existence, i. e., as an ideal personification, than the occurrence of his name with those of Phemius and Thamyris would have affirmatively established it. The lyric expression must have preceded the more staid and artificial epic, and through unrecorded ages the pæan had been sung and the incantation employed to heal bodily wounds and to assuage moral discords3. When Hermes he is not mentioned by Homer as little proves his non-existence, and the mention of Phemius or Thamyris, Polyidus and Theoclymenus, proves affirmatively the historical existence of these personifications.

2

19 Göttling. Pref. Hes. p. 9. Plutarch de Music. 5.

20 Plato, Protag. 316.

21 Augustin de Civit. xviii. 14. Athenæus, xiv. 632. Conon. in Photius, Narr. 45. Lucian, vol. iii. p. 110. Adv. Indoct. 11.

22 Comp. Eurip. Alcestis, 970 or 990. He might to the Greeks represent the great "dos" whom Socrates wished to be sought for throughout the world. Phædo, p. 78.

Aristoph. Ranæ, 1032.

3 Comp. Hes. Theog. 90. 98.

2 Odyss. xix. 457.