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1. The German Social Democracy was the earliest in origin and is numerically the strongest of all the national Socialist parties. Its program is Marxian, and it has always worked in harmony with the trade unions.

2. The French Socialist Party is strong and its leaders are brilliant, but it has suffered from internal dissensions, and from anarchism and semi-anarchism both within and without the party.

3. The Austrian Social Democracy has the largest parliamentary representation of any Socialist Party. It has won its fight for equal manhood suffrage. Its greatest obstacle lies in the national dissensions within the Austrian Empire.

4. The Belgian Labor Party is relatively one of the strongest of Socialist groups. The distinctive feature of the Belgian movement is the high development of productive and distributive coöperation.

5. The Italian Socialist Party is characterized by middle-class leadership. The movement in Italy has been divided into three groups; the "Reformists," the anti-parliamentarian "Syndicalists," and the Marxian "Integralists."

6. The British Socialist movement is represented by the rather narrowly Marxian, Social Democratic Party, and by the Independent Labor Party, which is allied for political campaign purposes with the non-Socialist Labor Party.

7. The American Socialist movement is represented by the Socialist Labor Party and the Socialist Party. The latter party from its organization in 1900 has grown very rapidly. Its program is Marxian.

8. Socialism in Russia is outlawed, and effective political action is impossible. The Russian Social Democratic Party tries to prepare the way for revolution by secret organization, while the Socialist Revolutionary Party prefers terrorist tactics.

9. In proportion to population Finland has the strongest of all Socialist parties. The Finnish party has won_universal suffrage regardless of sex, and it leads the struggle against Russian aggression.

10. Of the other countries Socialism is strongest in Norway, Sweden, Denmark, and Holland, and Socialist movements of varying strength exist in nearly every country of the world.


1. Compare the Gotha and Erfurt programs of the German Social Democracy.

2. Discuss the attitude of the German party toward the trade unions. 3. What are the chief differences in theory and tactics between the "Impossibilists" and the "Possibilists" in France?

4. Compare the French Socialist Party with the German Social Democracy.

5. How does the Italian Socialist movement differ from the movements in the northern European countries?

6. Explain the relations between the Socialist and the Labor parties in Great Britain.

7. What were the causes of the split in the American Socialist Labor Party and the formation of the Socialist Party?

8. Characterize briefly the following Socialist leaders: Lassalle, Bebel, Liebknecht, Jaurès, Guesde, Adler, de Paepe, Morris, Hyndman, Hardie.


The chief sources for the national Socialist parties are their reports to the International Socialist Congresses. In addition the following works will be found useful:

Bernstein, E., Ferdinand Lassalle.

Dawson, W. H., German Socialism and Ferdinand Lassalle.

Hillquit, M., Socialism in Theory and Practice, Appendix.

Hillquit, M., History of Socialism in the United States.

Hughan, Jessie W., American Socialism of the Present Day. Chap. III and XV.

Hunter, R., Socialists at Work.

Kirkup, T., History of Socialism, Chap. IX.

Spargo, J., Karl Marx, His Life and Work, Chaps. XI, XII, and XIII. Villiers, B., The Socialist Movement in England.

Webb, Sidney, Socialism in Great Britain.





Marx and Engels on social reform: Marx and Engels in the Communist Manifesto emphasized the importance of social and political reform and sketched a practical program for the betterment of the conditions of the wage-workers. That it was a crude and hastily sketched program, which has long since become antiquated to a large extent, is not here and now a matter of importance. What is significant is the fact that from the beginning Marx and Engels regarded agitation for reforms as a necessary part of proletarian activity. Eighteen years later, in the practical program which Marx drafted for the International, we find measures like the eight-hour work day and free, popular education given conspicuous place.

Marx and Engels understood and set forth with remarkable clearness and strength the need for physical, mental and moral efficiency on the part of the workers as prerequisites of their success. They understood and pointed out the unfitness of the slum proletariat, whose conditions of life necessarily fit it to be a reactionary force rather than a progressive and revolutionary force. On the other hand, they proclaimed the increasing misery and degradation of the proletariat in terms which compel us to conclude that they did not believe much could be done by the economic and political organization of the proletariat to check that misery and degradation. There is a terrible fatalism in the manner in which they picture the degradation and pauperization of the workers as one of the conditions essential to comprehensive social change:

"The modern laborer . . . instead of rising with the progress of industry, sinks deeper and deeper below the conditions of existence of his own class. He becomes a pauper and pauperism develops more rapidly than population and

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