WILLIAM BRADFORD

[William Bradford was born in Yorkshire, England, in 1588. He joined the Separatists in 1606, went to Holland in 1608, and though a young man was prominent in the affairs of the church at Amsterdam and Leyden. He seems to have been active in urging emigration to America, and he sailed in the Mayflower. When Governor Carver died, a few months after the landing at Plymouth, Bradford was chosen his successor, and was annually reëlected for many years. He died in 1657.

Although Bradford was not of high social position, and had no regular opportunities for a liberal education, he gained some knowledge of the classics, and in his later years attempted to learn Hebrew. In his exercise book he notes: "Though I am growne aged, yet I have had a longing desire, to see with my own eyes, something of that most ancient language, and holy tongue, in which the Law and oracles of God were write; and in which God, and angels, spake to the holy patriarchs, of old time; and what names were given to things, from the creation." Governor Bradford was a somewhat voluminous writer, though but one of his works was published during his lifetime. This was a journal containing the experiences of the colonists from November, 1620, to December, 1621, and was the joint work of Bradford, Edward Winslow, and others. It was published in London, without the authors' names, in 1622, and became known, on account of a prefatory note signed "G. Mourt," as "Mourt's Relation." Bradford's most important writing is "The History of Plymouth Plantation." The first book treats of the rise of the dissenters, and the causes that influenced their emigration to Holland and afterward to America. The part of the work which covers the period after 1620 is in the form of annals. Governor Bradford began the History about 1630, and after bringing the narrative to date, added an account of the events of each year till 1647. His object in writing was evidently to leave a record for posterity, and so far as is known he made no attempt to have the work published in his lifetime. After his death the manuscript passed to his relatives, and finally reached the Prince Library. During the British occupation of Boston at the time of the Revolution it disappeared, and was supposed to be lost; but in 1855 it was discovered in the library of the Bishop of London. In 1897 it was returned by the Bishop of London to the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. Many passages from the History had been used, with and without credit, in the works of Nathaniel Morton, Thomas Prince, Governor Hutchinson, and others; but the work as a whole was first printed by the Massachusetts Historical Society in 1856. A photographic facsimile was issued in London and Boston in 1896, a new edition was prepared under the direction of the Commonwealth of Massa

chusetts in 1898, and another edition appeared in 1907. A portion of Governor Bradford's letter-book was published by the Massachusetts Historical Society in 1794, and some of his other writings in prose and verse have since been printed. A number of them are found in Alexander Young's "Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers," 1841.

In some passages Governor Bradford's writings show a simple dignity and a finely pathetic quality obviously derived from the reading and contemplation of the Bible. The greater part of his work is plain and accurate, but without any graces of style. His lack of a literary sense is best shown by the ludicrous baldness of his verses, a few of which are given in the following pages.

The text of the selection from "Mourt's Relation" follows the literal reprint by Henry Martin Dexter, Boston, 1865. The text of the passages from "The History of Plymouth Plantation" is based on the edition prepared for the Commonwealth of Massachusetts by Alfred Seelye Roe in 1898, collated in some doubtful places with the zincograph facsimile of the manuscript, Boston, 1896. The verses on New England are from a fragment printed from Governor Bradford's manuscript in the Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, First Series, Vol. III, 1794.]

FIRST ACQUAINTANCE WITH THE INDIANS

[From "Mourt's Relation" 1]

Fryday, the 16. a fayre warme day towards; this morning we determined to conclude of the military Orders, which we had began to consider of before, but were interrupted by the Savages, as we mentioned formerly; and whilst we were busied here about, we were interrupted againe, for there presented himself a Savage, which caused an Alarm, he very boldly came all alone and along the houses straight to the Randevous, where we intercepted him, not suffering him to goe in, as undoubtedly he would, out of his boldnesse, hee saluted us in English, and bad us well-come, for he had learned some broken English amongst the English men that came to fish at Monchiggon, and knew by name the most of the Captaines, Commanders, & Masters that usually come, he was a man free in speech, so farre as he could expresse his minde, and of a seemely carriage, we questioned him of many things, he was the first Savage we could meete withall; he sayd he was not of these parts, but of Morattiggon, and one of the Sagamores or Lords thereof,

[1 See the introductory note, above. This part of the journal is conjecturally ascribed to Bradford, but the authorship cannot be definitely established.]

and had beene 8. moneths in these parts, it lying hence a dayes sayle with a great wind, and five dayes by land; he discoursed of the whole Country, and of every Province, and of their Sagamores, and their number of men, and strength; the wind beginning to rise a little, we cast a horsemans coat about him, for he was starke naked, onely a leather about his wast, with a fringe about a span long, or little more; he had a bow & 2 arrowes, the one headed, and the other unheaded; he was a tall straight man, the haire of his head blacke, long behind, onely short before, none on his face at all; he asked some beere, but we gave him strong water, and bisket, and butter, and cheese, & pudding, and a peece of a mallerd, all which he liked well, and had bin acquainted with such amongst the English; he told us the place where we now live, is called, Patuxet, and that about foure yeares agoe, all the Inhabitants dyed of an extraordinary plague, and there is neither man, woman, nor childe remaining, as indeed we have found none, so as there is none to hinder our possession, or to lay claime unto it; all the after-noone we spent in communication with him, we would gladly have beene rid of him at night, but he was not willing to goe this night, then we thought to carry him on ship-boord, wherewith he was well content, and went into the Shallop, but the winde was high and water scant, that it could not returne backe: we lodged him that night at Steven Hopkins house, and watched him; the next day he went away backe to the Masasoits, from whence he sayd he came, who are our next bordering neighbours: they are sixtie strong, as he sayth: the Nausites are as neere Southeast of them, and are a hundred strong, and those were they of whom our people were encountred, as we before related. They are much incensed and provoked against the English, and about eyght moneths agoe slew three English men, and two more hardly escaped by flight to Monhiggon; they were Sir Ferdinando Gorge his men, as this Savage told us, as he did likewise of the Huggerie, that is, Fight, that our discoverers had with the Nausites, & of our tooles that were taken out of the woods, which we willed him should be brought againe, otherwise, we would right ourselves. These people are ill affected towards the English, by reason of one Hunt, a master of a ship, who deceived the people, and got them under colour of truking with them, twentie out of this very place

where we inhabite, and seaven men from the Nausites, and carried them away, and sold them for slaves, like a wretched man (for 20. pound a man) that cares not what mischiefe he doth for his profit.

Saturday in the morning we dismissed the Salvage, and gave him a knife, a bracelet, and a ring; he promised within a night or two to come againe, and to bring with him some of the Massasoyts our neighbours, with such Bevers skins as they had to trucke with us.

Saturday and Sunday reasonable fayre dayes. On this day came againe the Savage, and brought with him five other tall proper men, they had every man a Deeres skin on him, and the principall of them had a wild Cats skin, or such like on the one arme; they had most of them long hosen up to their groynes, close made; and above their groynes to their wast another leather, they were altogether like the Irish-trouses; they are of complexion like our English Gipseys, no haire or very little on their faces, on their heads long haire to their shoulders, onely cut before some trussed up before with a feather, broad wise, like a fanne, another a fox tayle hanging out: these left (according to our charge given him before) their Bowes and Arrowes a quarter of a myle from our Towne, we gave them entertaynement as we thought was fitting them, they did eate liberally of our English victuals, they made semblance unto us of friendship and amitie; they song & danced after their maner, like Anticks; they brought with them in a thing like a Bow-case (which the principall of them had about his wast) a little of their Corne pownded to Powder, which put to a little water they eate; he had a little Tobacco in a bag, but none of them drunke but when he listed, some of them had their faces paynted black, from the forehead to the chin, foure or five fingers broad; others after other fashions, as they liked; they brought three or foure skins, but we would not trucke with them at all that day, but wished them to bring more, and we would trucke for all, which they promised within a night or two, and would leave these behind them, though we were not willing they should, and they brought us all our tooles againe which were taken in the woods, in our mens absence, so because of the day we dismissed them so soone as we could. But Samoset our first acquaintance, eyther was sicke, or fayned himselfe so, and would not goe

with them, and stayed with us till Wednesday morning: Then we sent him to them, to know the reason they came not according to their words, and we gave him an hat, a payre of stockings and shooes, a shirt, and a peece of cloth to tie about his wast.

THE VOYAGE OF THE MAYFLOWER

[Chapter IX, Book I, of "The History of Plymouth Plantation"]

Septr. 6. These troubls being blowne over, and now all being compacte togeather in one shipe, they put to sea againe with a prosperus winde, which continued diverce days togeather, which was some incouragmente unto them; yet according to the usuall maner many were afflicted with sea-sicknes. And I may not omite hear a spetiall worke of Gods providence. Ther was a proud & very profane yonge man, one of the sea-men, of a lustie, able body, which made him the more hauty; he would allway be contemning the poore people in their sicknes, & cursing them dayly with gree[v]ous execrations, and did not let to tell them, that he hoped to help to cast halfe of them over board before they came to their jurneys end, and to make mery with what they had; and if he were by any gently reproved, he would curse and swear most bitterly. But it plased God before they came halfe seas over, to smite this yong man with a greeveous disease, of which he dyed in a desperate maner, and so was him selfe the first that was throwne overbord. Thus his curses light on his owne head; and it was an astonishmente to all his fellows, for they noted it to be the just hand of God upon him.

After they had injoyed faire winds and weather for a season, they were incountred many times with crosse winds, and mete with many feirce stormes, with which the shipe was shroudly shaken, and her upper works made very leakie; and one of the maine beames in the midd ships was bowed & craked, which put them in some fear that the shipe could not be able to performe the vioage. So some of the cheefe of the company, perceiveing the mariners to feare the suffisiencie of the shipe, as appeared by their mutterings, they entred into serious consulltation with the mr. & other officers of the ship, to consider in time of the danger;