(a). Activity is one of the necessary laws of all healthy growth or development. The activity of both the organs of the body and faculties of the mind is of two kinds, namely, that which originates entirely within these organs and faculties, and that which originates in an operative connection formed between them and what is outside of themselves. This latter is what is generally known as work. The continued and healthy existence of the former activity is dependent upon the latter. Any organ of the body or faculty of the mind which becomes absolutely inactive in the latter sense, must also cease very soon to be active in the former.

(b). Body and mind are constructed so that the organs of the one and the faculties of the other are designed for work, or in other words, are designed to accomplish certain definite ends or purposes outside of themselves. For example, the hand connects the body mechanically with the outside world, the eye sensitively or receptively, and the will causatively. In accomplishing the ends or purposes outside of themselves, it should be noted that the organs of the body and faculties of the mind are complementary to each other, and hence, that the activity of the one is dependent upon the activity of the other.

(c). Power both as a receptivity and an energy is evolved or developed in the act of performing work as defined in (a) and (b). This fact is verified by universal experience. It is a matter of common observation, that use or work develops additional energies in the arm of the blacksmith, in the reasoning faculties of the mathematician and in the will of the man whose duty it is to control the action of others. It is equally a matter of common observation, that use or work develops additional receptivity or sensitiveness in the eye of the artist, in the ear of the musician, in the imagination of the poet, in the perception of the thinker, in the conscience of the man of moral efforts, and in the spirit of the man who walks with God.

(d). It must be further observed, that the evolution or development of power in its fullest and best sense, requires the natural and unconstrained use of all the possibilities of the entire man. It requires such a use or work as will call into full systematic and harmonious exercise each organ of the body and faculty of the mind. This requires a continuous and regular adjustment of work and appliances to the actual condition of both organs and faculties as they progress from one stage of development to another.

N

EDUCATION FOR CITIZENSHIP.

PROF. WALTER S. HARLEY, A. M., BRIDGETON, N. J.

OTHING in this country awakens more enthusiasm than the campaign preceding a presidential election. There is probably no one, possessing sufficient age and intelligence, who does not take a stand with one or another of the contending factions. The secular press contains three columns of political matter to one of general news, while the religious press freely and properly discusses the subject from a moral standpoint. In view of the fact that we are approaching another political contest, it may not be inappropriate to consider what the schools have to do with the case.

The affairs of a country, whose population numbers over sixty millions, need more intelligent study than when it was only a sixth as populous. The time has come when hard, honest thought is a necessity as well as a privilege. The old plea for educated voters must be made stronger than ever. But the needed education must be as liberal as possible and must be built on a sure foundation of common sense. Furthermore, it must not be a mere newspaper education. The schools, then, more than ever, are responsible for the intelligence of our citizens.

The average youth of the republic, unlike his father, does not wait to be trained by the slow instruction of experience. He is called upon to step from the schoolroom to a position of responsibility, and hence his mental stock in trade must consist chiefly of what he has received during the student life. He finds that life is more real than he dreamed of. It becomes his duty to have some political principles of his own and to connect himself with the party of those principles. When the leaders of that party insert a plank in its platform upon which he would be unwilling to stand, he needs the power to detect it. When a man, whose strength of character is doubted, becomes a candidate for office, he must be able to see that it is wrong to support him. These and a score of other requirements confront our young citizen as he steps into active life. Is it too much to demand that the

schools should give him a thorough preparation for this as well as for his professional work?

A man is often selfish in his decisions and votes so that he may be personally benefited by the result. But the ideal man is unselfish. He endeavors to see what will bring prosperity to the whole body and labors for that end. But, it may be asked, how is he to determine what will bring prosperity to the whole body? Such a subject evidently requires a knowledge of the real problem to be solved. A philosophical study of the subject is made in our colleges. But only a small number, comparatively, enjoy advantages of a college education. Moreover, many young men reach their majority and decide their party alliance before entering college.

The high school or academy then, is the place in which to acquire "that knowledge which is necessary to a full comprehension of our rights and duties as free citizens." Boys in such an institution are from fourteen years of age, upwards; of such an age when they are most inspired by the sight of a flag or transparency. They cheer as lustily as their fathers and older brothers, and, in their own way, are as loyal to the party which they already call their own. In a few years they will vote and should be expected to give a reason for the views they hold. Happily, it is not difficult for such boys to understand our political system, though at first it may appear complicated.

A pre-requisite to the study of politics is a broad knowledge of history. Let a taste for historical study be cultivated as early as possible, and let it not be confined to the history of the native country. Naturally and rightly, one's own country will claim his first attention. An American has no excuse for ignorance of American history. There is no land whose past can be so truthfully described. No history can be more interesting, for it abounds in deeds of heroism and self-sacrifice and reads like the most fascinating romance.

For our purpose we will divide history into popular, constitutional and political. By "popular" history, we mean a history of the progress of the people in civilization and commercial relations. By "constitutional" history, we mean a history of the constitution upon which the government is founded. The term "political" history is intended to include the origin and progress of political parties.

Experience shows that students are deficient in the second and third of these divisions. As an introduction, it should be learned that some form of government is necessary and that there are certain advantages peculiar to each form. Let the knowledge of our civil rights and duties be gained from a study of the constitutions of the general and state governments. It is well to be able to repeat verbatim the most important sections as, for instance, those stating the powers of the executive and the mode of passing laws.

On condition that the student has this fundamental knowledge, he is ready to proceed with the history and doctrines of parties. He learns that a free government without parties is an impossible thing. He learns that one party believes in a loose construction of the constitution; that one is liberal and the other conservative. There is nothing better than a systematic study of current events to help the learner at this stage. It is a sign of substantial progress that much attention is being paid to this by school-masters. Until recently there was no periodical which could be used as a text-book for such study. But now such papers as the well know Public Opinion seem to meet the demand. It has been the experience of the writer that no class can be made more profitable and interesting than that which makes a weekly study of the national and foreign affairs of the day. What the statesmen of our own land are doing, what changes are taking place in the government of other nations, what the opinion of the public press is - these are all sources of information which ought to supplement the more formal study.

But it is not the part of the schools to turn the mind of the prospective voter into any particular channel, but to teach him to think honestly for himself. There are certain things which all will admit to be true. If the instructor imparts these facts accurately and fully, the most ardent partisan cannot object. With the valuable assistance furnished by such men as Charles Nordhoff, E. Mulford, and Alexander Johnston, any boy who is willing to think, will be able to conclude how he ought to use that privilege which belongs only to a citizen of a free and independent

nation.

Let the boys of this country be led to see that there is a right and wrong side to every question that comes up, and that the right deserves to be supported, whatever be the name of the party

advocating it. Let them above all be imbued with the spirit of Him who condemned selfishness and excessive ambition, who showed the need of charity and obedience to law, and who taught the common brotherhood of all.

A STUDY OF BROWNING'S POETRY.

MAY MACKINTOSH, Pd. M.

WHILE I do not presume to think of assisting the honorable

members of the Browning Society, or the attendants of the Browning matinées of our large cities, yet it is possible that there still remain some few readers, who, like myself, have been deterred from a study of Browning's poetry by rumors of its unintelligibility.

At the time of Robert Browning's death, the writer, although well read in most of our English poets, from Chaucer, Spencer, Ben Jonson, Herbert, Herrick, Shakespeare, Milton, Dryden, Pope, Allan Ramsay, Thomson, Goldsmith, Cowper, Burns, Rogers, Wordsworth, Coleridge, and Sir Walter Scott, down to our own Longfellow, Tennyson, Lowell, Whittier, Holmes, and others, - knew nothing more of Browning than that his poetry was obscure and hard to understand, with the exception of some few poems such as "The Pied Piper of Hamelin"; and "How They Brought the Good News from Ghent to Aix." But as, day by day, the newspapers and magazines overflowed with references to the dead poet, I decided "One must read Browning, or die!" Accordingly, the six volumes of his poetical and dramatic writings, — exclusive of "Asolando," his last published volume, were procured and faithfully studied.

At first, this study was hard work, much harder in comparison than the course of four years' psychological reading which had happened to be its immediate predecessor, but by slow degrees the reader became acclimatized, so to speak; and then, by other slower degrees, the first sparks of a genuine admiration for the fine work under review began to glow, and become brighter and brighter, until the consequence was a Browning note-book for private use, giving all the reader's favorite quotations, and notes. on the subjects and scope of the principal poems and dramatic pieces. And it is this note-book which is humbly presented by the