is unique in another respect: There is no other possession under Her Majesty's sway in any other part of the world which, I may say, possesses two separate races living on an equal footing under her beneficent rule. There has been a wrong impression I would like to remove-namely, that the Maori race has been a conquered race. I say they have never been under the humiliating sense of feeling the hand of a conqueror over them. They voluntarily placed themselves under the sovereignty of Great Britain, and entered into a formal treaty with Her Majesty's representative, the condition being that they should exercise and enjoy all the privileges of British subjects, and these they have enjoyed from that date to the present time. It is true there was a section of the Maori people who revolted and took up arms against the Crown. But, at the same time, we found fighting on our side, side by side with their European brethren in the colonial forces of the country, many of the loyal and valorous tribes of Maoris in the North Island. Many of their chiefs received special reward and recognition at the hands of Her Majesty. Sir, it has been said that to send a contingent of Maoris to the Old Country to take part in the display incidental to the celebration of the record reign would place them in a ridiculous position. I deny that altogether. I say that we are unique in possessing such a noble aboriginal race, who, as British subjects, are on an equal footing and enjoy the same rights and privileges as their pakeha brethren; and we are unique also in having them specially represented in the Parliament of the colony; therefore I say that to have them represented at Home would be a further demonstration of the unity of the two races in the colony, and of their devotion to their sovereign. There have been attempts made to disparage the appearance of our colonial forces in the older world; but it is forgotten that according to the terms of the invitation couched in the despatch they are to be placed in a position of prominence and I say that with the well-built colonial youths we have in New Zealand, and with the Maori representatives also, we shall be able to show a contingent that will be the admired of all admirers. I am glad that the Premier has given me an opportunity of being one of those to draw up the respectful address on behalf of Her Majesty's subjects in New Zealand, to embody their congratulations and rejoicing with Her Majesty on the completion of the sixtieth year of her reign.

Mr. HEKE.-Sir, in making a few remarks at this time I think we all recognise it is an occasion on which every one should express loyalty to Her Majesty on her completion of a record reign. All who understand the history of this colony will recognise that I am a member of a section of the Ngapuhi Tribe, who opposed Her Majesty's troops in the early days of this colony. But what I desire to inform the House is this: that although the action of my deceased grand-uncle was against the interests of Her Majesty's English subjects of this colony, the reasons which actuated him in

opposing the British people were the reasons of a patriotic man, and a man who felt a wrong had been committed on his people. If the members of the House will carry their memories back and look into the early history of England, there even the old Britons opposed the invasion of their country by foreigners. For myself and my people, we have every feeling of loyalty towards Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen. I have recognised under our Constitution in New Zealand that we are placed in such circumstances that we cannot show any feeling of antagonism to anything that may be brought forward in this country. And by the articles of the Treaty of Waitangi we have recognised her sovereignty. We have always submitted, speaking as far as the Natives of New Zealand are concerned who opposed Her Majesty's troops, to the right of Her Majesty the Queen; and the troubles which arose in the early days were caused not because the Natives desired to show fight against the Europeans. The fact is that the feeling of disloyalty amongst the Natives who opposed Her Majesty's troops in the early days was on account of the departure from a contract made between Her Majesty's representative and the Native chiefs of New Zealand in 1840. The contract of which I speak was the Treaty of Waitangi, by which the minds of the Natives of that time and of to-day were and are impressed with the feeling that that contract must be held sacred. It was broken, and that was the cause of the wars. Every elderly gentleman of this House will recognise, if he has been any time in the colony, that the usual custom of the Natives in the early days was to hold good any contract made between partiesit remained good throughout the existence of the parties. If any innovation were made, blood was always the payment of that innovation, or payment by transferring the right over territory. That was really the impression that was in the minds of the Natives who opposed Her Majesty's troops in New Zealand. They recognised that some of the articles of the treaty had been broken by the rulers in New Zealand representing the British Crown. They recognised that they had the right to protest against that; and it was through that treaty being broken, and through the misunderstanding by the Europeans of the Native mind in the early days of the colony, that all these troubles were brought about. The expense was about six millions, I believe. The whole cause of these wars, then, as I say, was that the English authorities misunderstood the Native mind. In conclusion, Sir, I desire to say that, although these wars occurred, there existed in the minds of the Natives a feeling of loyalty then and up to the present time. I fully believe and realise that we all recognise Her Most Gracious Majesty as our sovereign. I have occasion also to protest against an article which appeared in a southern paper-I think it was a paper published in Oamaru, and run by a member of another House-in which article the writer sets out that the Native race of New Zealand was a conquered race. His statement is utterly erroneous, and I am sorry

before the time when the Treaty of Waitangi was signed was a chief of the name of Tuhawaiki, and I will tell the House that I am the living descendant of that chief. He was the first Maori chief to go to Sydney prior to the Treaty of Waitangi, and make an agreement or contract with the Governor of New South Wales to bring the South Island under the Sovereignty of the Queen. I now stand up and say that it is right that some members of the Maori race, both from the North Island and from the South Island, should accompany the Premier to England to represent the Maori people, to show the inhabitants of England that the Maoris have respected the covenants and contracts entered into between the two races living in this colony from the date of the treaties mentioned by me down to the present time. I also wish to tell the House that the fact of the Native people having come under the sovereignty of the Queen should be made a prominent feature in the celebration about to take place in England. And therefore it is right that the Premier should be accompanied by representatives of the Maori race from both Islands. I will not delay the House any longer, but wish to express my approval of Parliament having been called together to give effect to the Queen's invitation, and to express the hope that when the Premier goes Home he will be accompanied by members of the Maori race.

Mr. MILLS. - Sir, as one of the oldest colonials in this House, and being born in New Zealand, I feel compelled and proud to say a few words in support of this resolution. I am sure every one of us has listened with a great deal of pleasure to the remarks which fell from the honourable member for Riccarton, the honourable member for Waiapu, the honourable member for the Northern Maori District, and the other members representing the Native race. Memory carries me back, at any rate, forty-five years, and I can recollect well what the feelings of my parents were at that time, with regard to what they always called "Home," and those who were their compatriots. I have no doubt those feelings are almost buried in oblivion, but those who can recollect them will agree in the opinion I express, that the pioneers of this colony have played a very important part in the drama of colonial life, settling the colony, and bringing it up to its present position. And, amongst other good things which they deserve credit for, they have to be thanked for the loyalty they instilled into their children as they grew up because we know there is a great tendency at times amongst those who live a long way from the Old Country, and away from the influences that tend to foster feelings of loyalty, to fall away from the position assumed by those nearer Home towards our Empire and Queen. I can say, however, in behalf of my brother colonials, that as warm a feeling of loyalty exists in their breasts to-day as exists in the breasts of any other subjects of the Queen, and I believe, if ever the occasion arises for the display of that loyalty in a practical manner, they will be found shoulder to

shoulder and man to man manifesting their loyalty in a manner unsurpassed by any other subjects of Her Majesty. I have very much pleasure in supporting the resolution as brought down, and I will not detain the House further than to express the feelings that glow within me, and have reverberated in the breasts of others, at the heartfelt words which fell from those who have addressed this House to-day; and I believe the expression of those feelings will find a loyal and cordial indorsement by every member of this House.

Mr. MONK.-I rise to crave the indulgence of the House for a sentence or two upon a memorable occasion like this. I believe that my position in this House is unique in this respect: that I was an infant in this land before Her Majesty was ruler of this country. When a child I listened with fear and trembling to the men of the attacking party, led by the ancestor of the honourable member who spoke a little while ago-a descendant of the illustrious Hongi Hika and Hone Heke families. And, Sir, I was also present as a child at the great historic gathering of Maoris at Otatarau Beach, at the discussion of the Treaty of Waitangi, when a number of Native chiefs signed that treaty; and my father's name is upon that document as an attesting witness of the signatures of those chiefs. And honourable members can imagine what a long roll of distinguished changes have taken place in my life with regard to this country. There were no horses in this land when I was a child, and it was the song of the Maoris, and their oratory, and their spontaneous gatherings, and their distinguished and startling war-dances, that stand more prominent in my memory to-day than any incidents in connection with our English history. But, Sir, I wish to record this: that there is no one here who feels more proud than I do on this occasion. I feel that 1 have a rich inheritance in the history of the colony, and I am proud to think that this New Zealand branch of Her Majesty's Empire will add a special lustre to the history and traditions of a reign which is already great, and of which we all feel proud. Sir, I am familiar with the great changes that have taken place during the illustrious reign of Her Majesty. I am conscious of the great improvements that have taken place for the benefit and for the amelioration of the condition of the people under her reign; and in conclusion I should just like to make one remark— that we can make this Jubilee a special feature with regard to our treatment of the Maori race. The Colonial Treasurer made the remark that the Natives are parallel and equal with us in the legislation and laws of this country. No, Sir, they are not. We are imposing upon them very unfair distinctions and restrictions in connection with their land, by enacting laws which do not allow them to secure the highest price they can get for those lands. I will appeal to the Premier to make a distinguishing feature of the jubilee year, and to place the Native race on exactly the same footing as other people in the colony. I do not mean to ask that they shall be able to dispose of their lands so as to

impoverish themselves, but I propose that certain reserves shall be made for them, and that then the alienation of Native lands shall take place on exactly the same conditions as now apply to the Crown lands of this colony. With these remarks, I feel very much pleasure in supporting the resolution, and I feel proud that I exist at a period when there is a reign so special in the history of the world-a reign to which history affords no parallel. I feel much pleasure in supporting the motion.

Mr. SEDDON.--Sir, I can scarcely express in words the pleasure I feel at the present moment. The debate which is now drawing to a close is one that does honour to the people of this colony, through their representatives here in Parliament assembled. The debate, Sir, is unique. I am sure the remarks of the leader of the Opposition, I am sure the fact of his rising on this occasion and seconding this resolution-the words uttered by him, the facts brought so prominently under our notice as to the benefits the whole world has derived under Her Majesty's glorious reign-all, Sir, were listened to with pleasure and re-echoed by every member of the House. And then, Sir, I think another pleasing feature of the debate were the remarks which fell from those representing the Native race in this colony. Sir, if we look back to the time when the Treaty of Waitangi was signed, and when the chiefs representing the Native race at that great historical meeting, when they, Sir, handed their people over to the Queen they did not do it "with fear and trembling "; they did it with confidence. If the conditions which they placed in that treaty had been maintained from that day to this, what has occurred between the two races would never have taken place; the blood spilt, the lives lost, would have been averted; and it is pleasing to see that the representatives of that race are with us in Parliament. They voice their people here. If there are grievances existing, they ask that they should be remedied by constitutional and proper means; and, as leader of the House, and I voice the Opposition when I say it, we all desire to do justice to the Native race. And, Sir, I listened to the remarks of the honourable member for Waitemata; I will pay heed to the remonstrance.

Mr. MONK.-Thank you.

Mr. SEDDON.-We have no desire that any laws shall remain on our statute-book which deny to the Natives freedom of action; but I ask -and let those who acted in the past exclaim to the contrary if they can-How is it that there are hundreds to-day of our Native race who are landless? The laws that then existed permitted that to be done. Surely, Sir, in saving this noble race, in preventing them from being landless, it was necessary that the Legislature should act the part of the good parent. That, Sir, is all that the Government desire. If, as time progresses, we find the Native race are able to and can manage their own affairs, that they will not do as they have in the past-time after time foolishly given away their patrimony-then will be the time to remove the restrictions that prevail at the present moment. Sir, I feel sure

of this fact that when we compare the time I allude to, and remember that it is only some six years ago when the representative of Her Majesty in this colony did not deem it advisable to go through the Urewera Country-compare that time with to-day, with the speeches we have heard from members representing the Native race in the House, and it must be pleasing to the gentleman who was then Governor of this colony, to every man, woman, and child in the colony-nay, to the whole Empire-to think that any difficulties that existed are a thing of the past, to be forgotten and never to return. Sir, New Zealand, as is true, is the first-born colony after the accession of Her Majesty to the throne, and I think I may claim that it does the Empire credit. To-day I believe-and I am not at all saying one word that will detract from the other colonial possessions-but I feel I am speaking what is reasonable and correct when I say that New Zealand to-day holds the first position in Australasia. Sir, during the reign-this eventful, glorious reign-good has ensued not only to those who lovingly acknowledge the sway of Her Majesty, but to the whole of the known world. During Her Majesty's reign difficulties 12.30. have occurred; but, whenever the difficulties have arisen, whether it meant that warriors, soldiers, statesmen, or scientists were required, so, Sir, they were there. I do not think, Sir, that there has been any period in the history of the world-of the civilised world— where it can be said that during such period we have had such rapid strides made in arts and science, or so many great men have sprung into existence. Why, Sir, let us look at the communication that we now have between the colonies and the Mother-country. Sixty years ago it took six months before the voyage could be accomplished; but what it took then six months to do is now done within one month, and the time is not far distant when even that will be shortened. Then, Sir, look at the change in other respects, in regard to communication. Here we have the telegraph-wire; we have our cables; we are brought, as it were, into hourly or daily touch with the Mother-country and all nations upon the earth. Further than that, we have our friendly, loving hearts across the sea, and their words are repeated to us owing to that great man Edison's invention. Nay, we have more than that: we have the voices of the dead conserved and repeated to us. I say, Sir, that all these things cause one to ponder and to ask the question-when so many great advances have been made for the benefit of mankind-seeing that man's position has so much improved-can we not say that ours is a glorious Constitution? and is it to be said that anarchy and confusion should take its place? Nay, wherever we have English-speaking races, wherever we see the advantages that mankind has achieved and obtained, say it points to us, and it should point to every wellwisher of our Constitution, that we should all be proud of our glorious Queen as the head of that Constitution, and we should endeavour to prove to her that we are loving and dutiful