failed to see how it would be possible to grant the necessary supplies and get the business done so as to enable him to get away in sufficient time to go Home. He was sorry that any one should have said in the debate that afternoon that he had not met the position fairly. He could not allow members of the House, his colleagues, or himself to be placed in a false position. It was his duty as leader of the House to point out the true position, and, knowing as he did that the wish of the House was to go on with the business for which it had been called together, he therefore moved to suspend the Standing Orders to enable that to be done. He would, therefore, ask the House to proceed with the business and pass this resolution. He was also sorry to hear during the debate a remark made, which he thought had probably been made without thinking, by the honourable member for Riccar ton-namely, that he (Mr. Seddon), of course, could not leave his colleagues here to transact the business of the country. That was not the way to meet the Government in a proper spirit. If the honourable member had realised the construction which could be put upon those words he would probably not have uttered them. He would at once say that was not fair to the Government, nor was it meeting them in a proper spirit. That in itself was apt to cause irritation, and he would say unhesitatingly that he would not be a party to having the slightest reflections cast upon his colleagues. The House divided on the question, "That Standing Orders Nos. 74 and 75 be suspended for the session." Carson Heke Herries Hunter Monk Hutchison, G. Moore Joyce Majority for, 18. Motion agreed to. McGuire Rolleston Russell Stout Taylor now. ADDRESS IN REPLY. Mr. J. HUTCHESON.-Mr. Speaker, 7.30. -Sir, in rising to move the Address in reply to the Speech from the Throne, notice of which I had the privilege to give earlier in the day, I have a pleasant if not an easy or usual task. Before proceeding to the subject-matter of my task I will now, in conformity with the ancient customs and usages of this honourable House, beseech from this House that indulgence which I understand is usually given to young and inexperienced members occupied as I am His Excellency the Administrator of the. Government has been pleased to inform both Houses of the full nature and extent of the duties for the discharge of which he has been pleased to call them together. The business. is "to enable you to arrange for having the colony properly represented in the celebration about to commemorate the completion of the sixtieth year of Her Most Gracious Majesty's benign and unparalleled reign." However much. men may differ in theory as to the best form of Government, after the experiences of the sixty years of Her Most Gracious Majesty's reign, if there be any truth in the old adage that "the proof of the pudding is in the eating," surely all men must agree that Her Majesty's sixtyyears reign has in reality been benign, beneficent, and unparalleled. In this young country, where the masses of the people have aspirations somewhat beyond those of older countries as to legislative redress for their grievances and the amelioration of the conditions of life, still loyalty to constitutional government is ever in the hearts of the industrial classes. I fancy I hear some hostile critic say, "Alas! how soon has this newlyborn democrat fallen from the high paths of democracy." But in this high duty intrusted to me to-night I feel that I am still true to the instincts and the traditions of my social position when I say, without fear of contradiction, that the masses of the people were never the most disloyal portion of the community. True it is that in troublesome times, and in times of distress and of industrial agitation, there may have been cases where men have been goaded to desperation by apparent injustices, into saying doing things that might be construed into demonstrations of disloyalty. But in this country again I say that the industrial classes, with all their aspirations, never go outside of the legitimate course for legislative redress. His Excellency the Administrator has also told us that New Zealand, in common with every other dependency of the Empire, has been invited to send her representatives on this occasion. And here, Sir, is the proper place to compare the actions of His Excellency's Advisers with those of the or Mackenzie, M. Thomson, J. W. Responsible Ministers in other colonies. By McLean Wright. Tellers. Buchanan Richardson Massey. reference to a despatch which no doubt is in the possession of honourable members, they will notice, in No. 6 from the Hon. the Secretary of State for the Colonies, that he states that nine colonies have already accepted the invitation with thanks. In this respect we in New Zealand are more happily situated, in the invitation, so that his prestige there may be at least equal to, if not greater than, that of the Premiers from the other colonies. I know I am going in direct opposition to the twice strongly expressed wishes the publicly-expressed wishes-of the bulk of my constituents. When I first received the confidential circular issued to other members in common with myself I replied very guardedly. I refrained from expressing an opinion as to the method and manner of the Premier's going, while agreeing with the abstract proposition that the Premier should accept. At that time I was not seized of the facts, and had not become possessed of the knowledge that at a later date I got; and, having read the despatch critically, I found the matter there placed before me in such a light that were I so situated in any circumstances in life I would feel it incumbent on me, by reason of my conception of etiquette although not a man of birth or breeding, I have rubbed shoulders with the world, and I have acquired some knowledge of what is due to a man's self-respect-were my host to invite me, I say, in such diplomatic language as is contained in that despatch, I must either accept uncon that the Responsible Advisers of His Excellency recognised the truth of the motto, "Trust the people," and before committing the country to sending its representative, with or without a military contingent, have now called Parliament together to seek their advice whether or not this shall be done. His Excellency, also, in his Address to-day, has told us that the despatches in reference thereto will be laid before us. I am aware that there is considerable diversity of opinion as to the propriety of sending a contingent to accompany the Premier to England, but the consensus of opinion throughout the colony, as shadowed forth in the public Press and elsewhere, seems to be that the Premier should accept the invitation of Her Majesty's Government. When we turn to Despatch No. 2 we find, in clause 6,"Should it be found practicable to carry out this idea, as I hope may be the case, the great self-governing colonies of Her Majesty's Empire would be properly represented by their Premiers, who would be accompanied on any special ceremonial occasion by an escort or guard of honour consisting of a detachment of local forces; and I have no doubt the demon-ditionally or reply that I regretted my inability stration would do honour to the colony, and be highly appreciated in this country." to accept. That is the only reason I have for sacrificing to some extent the democratic opinions I hold, and in view of my antagonism to militarism, for taking advantage of the more substantial offer contained in paragraph 8, whereby the Premier of this colony will have such an advantage as cannot come but once in a hundred years. It is utterly useless for honourable members to contend that the thing can be done by proxy-that our AgentGeneral or any other Minister of the Crown but the Premier can do the matter. In the first place, the opportunities are not open to our Agent-General; and, in any case, a man does not send his groom or his gardener to represent him as groomsman at the wedding of his highly-respected friend. This invitation was meant to give the Premiers of the colonies, according to my ideas, an opportunity of coming to an understanding on matters even now-and in the early future likely to be more so-of burning importance to the people of this colony, and the other colonies whose Premiers are invited. Now I pass, Sir, to a more congenial subject-to the departure of His Excellency the Earl of Glasgow. I had the privilege, due to the public office I hold, of being near to him on his departure from our shores, and, as a brother Scot and a brother seaman, I could not but feel impressed with somewhat of a soft sentiment. I could not, even although a humble If the honourable gentleman who laughed just now will only laugh a little more I may probably overcome the painful embarrassment that is just at present obfuscating my ideas and preventing me from enunciating them clearly. I shall then be able, perhaps, to do myself some justice in what I have to say. I have examined the clause. The only clause in the whole thing to which I attach any importance is clause 8. Should this invitation be accepted by the Premiers of the self-governing colonies, their presence in London would afford a valuable opportunity for their conferring together upon the subjects of commercial union, colonial finance, the representation of the colonies, legislation with regard to immigrants from Asia, and other similar subjects. Honourable members are also aware that the Secretary of State has in diplomatic language practically asked this colony not only to send their Premier, but also that he shall be accompanied by a specimen of the defenders of this young colony. For reasons for which I claim no credit whatever, further than accident of birth, I am one of the industrial classes, and, as a consequence, I have held, do hold, and hope to hold the ideas and opinions common to the industrial classes, and I have not, as far as I know, one iota of militarism in my constitution. I have nothing but contempt for the spirit of jingoism, and have nothing but ridi-compatriot, help feeling that we were both cule for anything that is wholly and solely a piece of empty pageantry. I do not regard this as such, and would be strongly opposed to pandering to vainglory. Further, I do not regard the idea of sending a contingent Home in any other light than that it forms an unavoidable penalty, if you choose, for the higher purpose of enabling us to properly accredit our Premier, going, as he should, in the full terms of from the "land of brown heath and shaggy wood, land of the mountain and the flood and, although colonists may have differed from some of His Excellency's acts, the number of colonists who attended on the occasion of his departure showed by their actions and their presence that he had endeared himself to the hearts of the people of the colony. There was only one thing I found lacking there to make the scene, to me at least, one of great occasion. When he moved away from our shores I felt that, had I been on vested with sufficient authority, I would have liked to have sent him off to the plaintive strains of Will you no' come back again? Now, I have no doubt that the colonists will award an equally hearty welcome to our approaching Governor, and that they all agree in wishing that he will as ably fill the high post as did his predecessor, Lord Glasgow. Sir, the question that more immediately concerns this House in the proposed sending Home of the Premier is that of supply. The sinews of war are always paramount, and, as is apparent to this House, before the Premier may be able to take the fullest advantage of what I submit is his real mission Home this House must consent to pass such supplies as will carry the country over the somewhat extended period involved in his necessary stay. Sir, I am a New Zealand colonist first and a native of the British Empire afterwards. My patriotism is summed up in the lines, land on earth! What though our stalwart fathers came from each We will be loyal to the land which gives our children birth. And, inasmuch as all good colonists of New Zealand, be their fathers British, or be they Scandinavians, or of any other race-surely, if they be good colonists and loyal subjects, they have every right to be included in the voice of the colony that will be represented, I hope, at an early date in London by our Premier. In conclusion, Sir, I will close by reiterating the desire which is expressed by His Excellency the Administrator of the Government, with this distinction: "that your deliberations will conduce to the honour of the colony and the glory of the Empire." Mr. E. G. ALLEN.-Mr. Speaker, I rise to second the proposition that has just been so ably proposed by the honourable the senior member for Wellington City. In doing so I must claim the indulgence of honourable members on this occasion, and doubtless that courtesy will be extended which I believe is given to all new members. I gather, Sir, from the Speech from the Throne that the principal objects of thus calling Parliament together are only twofirst, to arrange for the representation of the colony in the Old Country at the celebration of the commemoration of the Queen's record reign; and the other to provide for extending the appropriations in order to meet the financial obligations of the colony during the recess. heartily congratulate His Excellency the Administrator on calling the House together to enable it to take part in celebrating this great event an event that is unique in the annals of British history, and an event that will be long remembered by all those who have the pleasure of witnessing it, and that will also live in the memory of all those who even read about it. I hope, Sir, the House will accept the invitation of the Secretary of State in full, and that it will grant necessary supplies to enable this colony to be represented in VOL. XCVII.-2. I a manner that it deserves to be represented among the nations of the world. I think, Sir, we should endeavour to be represented in such a manner as would not only be a credit to ourselves, but do honour to the Empire. The coincidence that the first settlement of this colony took place in the same year that the Queen ascended the throne, I think, should make it specially desirable that this colony should not only be represented at the great festival about to take place, but should take an active part in the demonstrations of loyalty that will there take place, and which will mark the unprecedented event. When we look back, Sir, in the distance-a time within the knowledge of the children of many of the pioneers of this colony, when the girl Queen first ascended the throne, when she first swayed the sceptre of Royal power, and when we compare the conditions of that period with the present period, we are startled with the great strides that have taken place. The marvellous advances that have been made in commerce, education, industries, arts, sciences, wealth, and population provide glorious testimonies to the great and good and just reign of our peerless Queen. Well, if these marks of progress are great in the Old World, they are still greater in the New World. When the pilgrim fathers landed at Pitone Beach, which is not very far from here, they little thought that in sixty years the land of their adoption would grow and develop into such magnificent proportions as it is at the present time. At the present time it includes a population of three-quarters of a million, having twenty millions of flocks and herds, and the products of the soil exported annually from the colony exceeding eight millions; with its industries, and its institutions, and its laws-laws which I am proud to say are the admiration of the world. At that time, Sir, Australia was of very little importance; it was principally known as a dépôt and dumpingground for the criminals of the Old Country. Now it contains a cultured population of over four millions, with a revenue of twentyfive million pounds, a sum which is only one-quarter less than that of the Old Country. Surely, Sir, these magnificent results, following Britain's record reign, should create feelings of boundless thankfulness in our breasts, and induce us, as representatives of a section of the British Empire, to show our appreciation of the blessings we enjoy in responding liberally and willingly to the invitation of the Home Government. I feel sure, Sir, that the Premier's visit to the Old Country would result in much good. His extraordinary personality, his keen perceptions, his affable manners, and his great energy of character, backed up with his wellknown desire to promote the welfare of the people, would, I believe, enable him to make himself of special benefit to this country, 8.0. being, as he would be, in daily contact with the leading men of the world, exchanging ideas with the intellectual throng that he would meet; and I am sure that anything of interest-any information of interest to this colony-that he could collect would be placed at the disposal of the colony on his re- | indulgence of the House for any shortcomings turn. I do not desire to place any commercial that might be apparent in their speeches on advantages that may accrue from the Premier's this occasion; and, I may say, as on every previsit to this colony before our loyalty to the vious occasion, the honourable gentlemen who Queen-far from it; but honourable members have addressed you in proposing and seconding will understand from the despatches that have the Address in reply to His Excellency have been read from the Hon. Mr. Chamberlain that shown not only considerable powers of speech, one of the objects in inviting representation is but also acquaintance with the facts in conto promote commercial relationship. I hope, nection with the political situation. They Sir, the House will also agree to the expendi- have also been able to address you in language ture necessary to send Home the small detach- which I am sure has given pleasure to every ment of cavalry which will be asked for, as well member of this House. The honourable member as a rifle team. To refuse supplies for this ob- for Wellington City has indeed great cause to ject would, I believe, to a certain extent dis- feel proud, first in being selected upon such an count our professions of loyalty. It may be occasion as this to move the Address in Reply, said that the few men that we could send and also when he thinks, as he has a right to would be entirely overlooked in the vast multi-think with pride, that he is the representativetude they would mingle with in the Old Coun- as we term it here, the senior representative-of try; but I do not look upon it in that light. | the important City of Wellington; and, not only I maintain that the aggregate of the detachments from all the colonies of the Empire would constitute a large body of men, such as would create some impression upon the people of the Old World. They would be regarded as the colonial troops, and not be individualised. I think that in justice to the colonies who are loyal and liberal enough, and have decided to send troops Home, we in this colony should follow suit; and I think also for our own credit we should do so, and lastly, but not least, to show our loyalty to the Queen. I think, Sir, we should bear the cost of this without a murmur; and I venture to think that the presence of the colonial contingent in London would be very impressive upon the foreign representatives they there would meet. I believe it would exemplify the importance of this colony to a very great extent, and the importance of the colony is a thing we must try and keep before the public. I believe, as allies of the British army, should any hostilities occur, our colonial troops would then be valued and their services would be freely given if required. Even, Sir, if no immediate glory fell to this colony by sending troops Home, I maintain that their absence would depreciate the importance of this colony in the eyes of the world. It appears to me, Sir, that there are two great issues involved in the invitation sent by the Imperial Government to this colony. Firstly, I believe the desire is to promote increased commercial relationships in the Empire, and, secondly, to tighten the bonds of friendship, and to forge another link in the chain of interest and affection that binds the Old World to the New. Motion made, and question proposed, "That a respectful address be presented to His Excellency the Administrator of the Government in reply to the Speech His Excellency has been pleased to make to both Houses of Parliament." (Mr. J. Hutcheson). Captain RUSSELL.-Sir, I should be differing, as I should be very loth to do, from a custom which has prevailed for many years past in this House were not the leader of the Opposition to rise after the two neophytes who have addressed you. They, as has been done on many other occasions in my presence, asked the that, when we think that the suffrages of the people have been given to him to a greater extent than to the honourable member for Wellington City, Sir Robert Stout, who has shone so brilliantly in the political history of the colony, and also than to the Hon. Mr. Fisher, who has served so long and in so many capacities in this branch of the Legislature. Any man who has achieved such a position upon his first attempt has a right to be proud of himself, and to feel that a great onus of responsibility has been placed upon his shoulders. I cannot help regretting the loss of the honourable gentleman who has been supplanted by the honourable gentleman who seconded the Address in Reply. The loss of the late honourable member for Waikouaiti we on this side of the House most sincerely deplore. Probably, amongst all those who have to be congratulated on this occasion, the one most to be congratulated is the Premier himself. We on this side of the House,or, at any rate, I myself,-feel in quite a sad position. This is the opportunity at which the Opposition, under ordinary circumstances, have the right, after complimenting the honourable gentlemen who have moved and seconded the Address, to pay anything but compliments to the administration of the Government during the preceding twelve months. There has been no year on the administration of which I think we might dilate more forcibly, more particularly on the acts of Ministers during the elections. But, Sir, I do not intend to avail myself of the opportunity which has come to me. There is a pleasanter duty intrusted to me than attempting to expose the misdoings of the honourable gentlemen who occupy the Treasury benches. We are invited to send Home a representative of the colony, a man to represent New Zealand in the great Empire of the United Kingdom, and we are asked to send Home our Premier. We are asked to send Home the first citizen of the country, and undoubtedly in New Zealand the Premier occupies the foremost position. It is therefore our duty to put aside as far as possible all feelings but those of loyalty to the Crown, and to send Home a man who, whether we approve or disapprove of his policy, is the elect of the people. We are asked to send one who, according to the words of His Excellency the Administrator, should be able by the blessing of God to do honour to the Empire and the colony he represents. I have no doubt that he will feel the responsibility that is thrown upon him; that he, not only as Mr. Seddon, but as a Minister of the Crown and Premier, will feel that he represents a colony which, though the most distant of all Her Majesty's dominions, is one of the most loyal and devoted of the colonies it has been Her Majesty's duty to reign over. There are one or two matters I think it my duty to allude to. We have been told by the two honourable gentlemen who have preceded me that the position is a unique one: and so it is. It is an impossibility that any man in this chamber should see the sixtieth anniversary of the accession of any sovereign again. I believe I am right in saying it is unique in history,- not only in the history of the British Empire, but of the world, - that there should have been such vast social changes as have taken place during the sixty years of Her Majesty's reign. But the position is unique in another way. We are about to allow the Premier to leave the colony and to go to London, and we have his assurance that his colleagues really are able to carry on the business of the country while he is away. But yet we know that the Premier insists that before he leaves Parliament must be closed, and that under no circumstances can it be allowed to reopen until he returns. If I were in the position of Premier I should not pay my colleagues so scant a compliment as to imply that I must be back in the colony before they can be trusted to do anything whatsoever. Remember this: we have had two examples in the past of Premiers leaving the colony and going Home to England, and on both occasions the circumstances were absolutely dissimilar from the present. On the first occasion Sir Edward Stafford went Home, and at that time there was no cable communication, there was not even steam communication with the Mothercountry, still it was felt there was no necessity for a suspension of the whole parliamentary procedure during his absence; and on a subsequent occasion Sir Julius Vogel left the colony, and when he went to London there was no cable communication, and yet there was no necessity that the whole parliamentary procedure should be suspended. Now we are asked to establish this precedent, that the man who is called Premier is so essential to the Government of the colony that it is impossible that Parliament can hold session in his absence. In doing this, I say we are placing ourselves in a most unfortunate position. We are about to create a precedent by which we are to vest the Premier with a power and with an office never before known in the constitutional history of England or in that of any of her colonies, in saying that he is so absolutely superior to his colleagues that in his absence the whole business of Parliament must come to a standstill. It is, I say, a matter for us to consider whether we are not doing something which we ought not to do, unless we place it on record that we do not agree with the posi tion here set up that the office of Premier is different from and superior to that of his colleagues. Honourable members generally may not be aware that the Premier's powers do not differ from those of any of his colleagues. Of course we know that his colleagues retire on his resignation of office -that is the custom; yet, save in that, there is no difference between the Prime Minister and any of his colleagues. And yet we are about to agree that the House must prorogue, and that it is impossible the business of Parliament can be carried on in his absence. Is that not a confession that the country is ruled by a one-man Government? Does it not amount to saying that democracy is not to be fairly represented, but that autocracy exists in the person of the Premier? Is it desirable, is it wise, that the Premier should be permitted to hold all the powers he possibly can grasp? And it is a matter, also, for consideration whether the Premier should have extended to him so great powers. Are they not detrimental to the true interests of the people—that is, that we are allowing to drift from ourselves into one man all those powers that ought to remain in the hands of the people. The position is a very serious one, and one that ought to be thoroughly and carefully considered. I have agreed, after conversations with the Premier, to support an extension of the Public Revenues Act until the 30th September, to enable him to attend the jubilee celebrations and to return to New Zealand for a meeting of Parliament about the middle of that month; but, whilst I am prepared to make such a concession as that, I differ from the statement which has been made, that I would consent to a further extension. Captain RUSSELL.-All I have to say is that I have in my pocket the original memorandum, which the Premier copied with his own hand, and which provided that the 30th September should be the date fixed; and he allowed his private secretary to telephone to me an hour afterwards that the terms were agreed upon. Mr. SEDDON.-When the honourable member submitted the amended proposals extending the date, I certainly copied his note. I do not wish on an occasion of this kind to misrepresent him. The following is what transpired:"Time within which money may be expended without vote of Parliament to be extended to 30th September. Parliament to meet not later than the middle of September." The night before, the honourable member submitted the 30th of August as being the longest period to which his party would agree to have the meeting of Parliament extended. The next morning, at my suggestion, he saw his friends here, and came to me and said those were the conclusions he arrived at. I said: "I will submit this to Cabinet." I have not agreed to them. Captain RUSSELL.-The Hon. the Premier |