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The 4 counties have 28,598 Negroes of voting age and only 775 registered Negro voters. The Negro population of voting age is 65 percent of the population of voting age in these counties. The area of large planation and excessive Negro population one would expect not only difficulty but timid and frightened Negroes. The leadership is not what it should be. Those who have assumed this role have done a good job. Unfortunately they have not received too much encouragement from the top brass. The leadership has come mostly from the lower echelon. There is some evidence of fear existing among those who are better qualified to lead. The fear of reprisal is much in evidence. Those better trained for leadership role, too often, fail to assume any part in the struggle because of fear for jobs. This accounts in a large measure, for the lethargy of the mass of our voters. The college-trained Negro, refuses to interest himself in the struggle for the ballot. This is due to two causes; namely, fear for his job, and secondly, too many are not aware of the value of the ballot to a citizen in a democracy. TABLE III.-Registration in counties by congressional districts, population of Negroes of voting age, and total vote by district and counties

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TABLE III.-Registration in counties by congressional districts, population of Negroes of voting age and total vote by district and counties--Continued

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1 Figures in this column are taken from the AP release, Birmingham News, Apr. 16, 1954.

Finally, the long period-70 years-(1876-1946) in which the ballot was denied has conditioned the Negro to think negatively of it. He must be awakened to his civic and political responsibility if he is to ever achieve his status as a citizen in a great democracy.

The registration of the Negro in Alabama may be regarded as the No. 1 problem for the Negro in Alabama. A quick glance at table IV gives a vivid picture of the voting strength of the Negro and the gain made in the 2-year period. In many counties the vote has tripled and multiplied even more in several counties. It cannot be called to the attention too often that the percentage makes the achievement look better than it really is. Conecuh County which had a gain of approximately 400 percent, would appear to be phenomenal and the same may appear to be so of many other counties like Monroe, Clark, Chambers, Elmore, and others, but when we consider the base we get a different meaning. It is commendable that such an increase has been made. However, we must not be lulled to sleep over apparent numerical increase, nor become too jubilant over increased percentage.

Autauga County is a case in point, the increase was 200 percent, but the total vote including the increase is only 1.13 percent. These figures do have merit and should be studied carefully. Every county except Jefferson, Hale, and Bullock had an increase. The increases are evidence of two things: First, there is an awakening of the civic responsibility of a growing number of Negro citizens; second, there is developing a new aggressive and responsible leadership. The leadership quality may be determined in several ways: First, organization for stimulating citizens to register; Second, the number of registered voters; Third, the amount of stimulation or motivation shown by those of voting age, and finally the extent to which the Negro has been able to overcome the opposition of the board of registrars to Negro registration.

TABLE IV.-Negro registration by counties in 1954, number of voting age, and the percent of increase over 1952

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From the reports, from questionnaires sent to leaders and officials in several counties in the State the attempt will be made to categorize the counties according to difficulties in registering Negro voters. The criteria used are based on the number of voters, the attitude of the board of registrars, and the effectiveness of the leadership. There are three counties in which Negroes are unable to register. These are called the (1) prohibited counties, namely, Bullock. Although there are six registered Negro voters, there has actually been a decrease since the last report in 1952. No Negro has been able to register there in several years. The other two are Lowndes and Wilcox. (2) Difficult counties include Autauga, Barbour, Choctaw, Covington, Dallas, Elmore, Green, Hale, Jefferson, Macon, Marshal, Marengo, Monroe, Montgomery, Perry, and Sumter. (3) The moderate counties are: Barbour, Bibb, Clarke, Coffee, Conecuh, Crenshaw, Fayette, Geneva, Houston, Lee, Madison, Mobile, Randolph, Pike, and Shelby. The difficult counties are those in which the Negroes have much trouble qualifying for the ballot. These counties either refuse, turn away a large number under the pretense that they failed to fill out the blank correctly, or place additional requirements through additional questions, permit only white to sign the application or use only white names as witnesses, along with other pretense.

The liberal counties are those in which differences in the treatment of the Negro and white is not very much in evidence. In some of these counties boards of registrars are cordial and encouraging. Among these counties are listed Baldwin, Butler, Calhoun, Chilton, Colbert, Coosa, Etowah, Jackson, Lauderdale, Limestone, Morgan, Talladega, Tuscaloosa, Walker, and Washington.

This classification may be challenged, but to our knowledge this is a fair gradation. In the near future the attempt will be made to do a better job. One of the bases for placing many of the counties in the third class is the voting strength of the county and the percentage of those voting. There are some counties which the leaders claim there is no trouble with the board but the voting strength refutes this claim. Others claim that it is the apathy of the Negro which is rejected on an associated claim that sufficient effort has not been made to stimulate voting by the Negroes. Too often other citizens from the same county tell a different story.

The story may be summarized briefly. The boards of registrars are in many counties becoming more liberal. More Negroes are presenting themselves before the boards for registration. There is an increased awareness on the part of the Negro of the value of the ballot, and he is striving to become a qualified voter. There is an increasing number registering and voting. The boards are still discouraging many Negroes in their attempt to register. There is still a need for effective leadership.

The discrimination against Negro voters has its repercussions on the white. In many counties the whites have also shown a tendency to have a lower voting record. This may be due to the poll taxes. However, both races have shown a creditable increase after its repeal. The future of the Negro may not be as encouraging, dark as that may be, because there is a sinister force at work at this time which makes it difficult to predict the future.

STATEMENT OF IRVING M. ENGEL, PRESIDENT, AMERICAN JEWISH COMMITTEE BEFORE THE SENATE JUDICIARY SUBCOMMITTEE ON CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS, FEBRUARY 19, 1957

The American Jewish Committee was organized in 1906 and incorporated by special act of the Legislature of the State of New York in 1911. Its charter states:

"The objects of this corporation shall be, to prevent the infraction of the civil and religious rights of Jews, in any part of the world; to render all lawful assistance and to take appropriate remedial action in the event of threatened or actual invasion or restriction of such rights, or of unfavorable discrimination with respect thereto ***"

For 50 years, it has been a fundamental tenet of the American Jewish Committee that the welfare and security of Jews are inseparably linked to the welfare and security of all Americans, whatever their racial, religious, or ethnic background may be. We believe that an invasion of the civil rights of any group threatens the safety and well-being of all groups in our land. Hence we are vitally concerned with the preservation of constitutional safeguards for all.

But constitutional guaranties, historical documents, and basic traditions, wonderful though they be, only establish the principles to which we Americans are dedicated. It still takes people to put these principles into practice and keep them alive. And because there are always some people who are slow or unwilling to do what is right, it also takes laws to make people act as they should. Many States and cities have adopted laws during the past decade to make certain that their residents enjoy the rights which belong to all Americans. Fifteen States have outlawed racial and religious discrimination in employment, to make sure that qualified workers have an equal chance for jobs. Three States have forbidden bias in admission to college and professional schools, to give promising young people an equal chance for education. Some 3 dozen cities have enacted ordinances requiring equal treatment in public and publicly assisted housing, to prevent unfair racial segregation and discrimination.

There are also State and city laws, almost a century old in many parts of our country, barring racial or religious discrimination in parks, playgrounds, restaurants, hotels, and other places of public accommodation, resort, or amusement. The entire pattern of race relationships in many aspects of life in the United States is in the process of basic change as a result of the rejection of the "separate but equal" doctrine which had been the legal foundation for a racially segregating society.

During the year 1956 some 797 school districts in Southern and border States were operating desegregated schools in compliance with the Supreme Court's mandate. About 110 or 208 Southern tax-supported universities and colleges now admit students without discrimination or segregation based on race or color. Important strides toward equality and democracy were registered in the areas of industry and housing. Maryland became the first State south of the Mason-Dixon line to desegregate its National Guard. Baltimore and St. Louis became the first cities in the Southern border area to enact fair employment practices ordinances albeit, without enforcement provisions. The President's Committee on Government Contracts reported that business and industrial leaders "are responding in encouraging numbers to the philosophy that equal job opportunity is both good business and good citizenship." Eighteen major airlines agreed to end their bans on the employment of Negro pilots. In the field of housing, New York extended the nondiscrimination provisions of its law to housing built with Government-guaranteed money.

Among the greatest advances in civil rights during 1956 were the changes wrought in the sphere of public accommodations. The Civil Aeronautics Administration banned the use of Federal funds to build or improve segregated restrooms, dining rooms or other airport facilities anywhere in the United States. The Supreme Court ruled that the "separate but equal" doctrine no longer applied to local and intrastate transportation. The Court also made it clear that racial segregation would not be tolerated at any park, playground, bathing beach or recreation area operated by the State or any of its political subdivisions, including cities and municipalities.

But while State and local laws insure equality of treatment and opportunity for millions of Americans, many additional millions are without this protection— or can lose it simply by moving from one city or State to another. Only Congress can adopt nationwide laws, and Congress has failed to enact a single civilrights measure, as such, in the past 80 years.

All the civil-rights bills currently before this committee have been considered by committees of both Houses of the Congress for the past 10 years at least. In fact, the American Jewish Committee, like other organizations that have supported the expansion of civil rights, has testified on numerous occasions before various committees and subcommittees of the Congress and before executive commissions, in favor of the enactment of civil-rights measures.

On March 14, 1945, Mr. Marcus Cohn, Washington counsel of the American Jewish Committee, appeared before a subcommittee of the Senate Committee on Education and Labor, in support of S. 101, which would have established a permanent fair employment practice committee with enforcement powers.

On May 1, 1947, Dr. John Slawson, executive vice president of the American Jewish Committee, proposed to the President's Committee on Civil Rights a comprehensive program including the following recommendations:

(1) Expansion of the Civil Rights Section of the Department of Justice. (2) Enactment of a Federal anti-poll-tax bill.

(3) Enactment of a Federal antilynch bill.

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