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The confideration of economy is next adverted to; and it is forcibly argued that numerous favings of expences now incurred must take place after the adoption of the plan in question; which, the Noble Lord is of opinion, will, in a few years, more than repay the coft of the works propofed. This, it appears, has been eftimated at from four to five millions, to be expended during five or fix years, within which period it is computed that the naval arfenal in queftion for at least fuch parts of it as might be immediately requifite) may be completed.

It cannot be expected that we should enter minutely into the ftatements and reafonings very ably detailed by the noble author of this Letter. Sufficient has, we trust, been faid to draw the attention of our readers to this great national plan, which, we hope, will be well confidered by the Government, and (if found expedient) in due time, be fanctioned by the Legislature of the

country..

COMMERCE.

ART. 21. A Sketch for the Improvement of the Political, Commercial, and Local Interefts of Britain, as exemplified by the Inland Navigations of Europe in general, and of England in particular; including Details relative to the intended Stamford Junction Navigation, to unite the Eaftern with the Midland and Western Counties of the Kingdom. By Jeffon Oddy, Efq. Author of European Commerce." Illuftrated with a Canal Map. 8vo. 141. pp. 55. J. J. Stockdale. 1810.

The work of this writer on European commerce has by fome means efcaped our notice. In the prefent tract his object is of a more confined and local nature, viz. the promotion of an inland avigation, to connect fome of the eastern with the midland and western counties of the kingdom, by a canal paling near Stamford. In this fcheme the author candidly admits he has been fwayed by private as well as public motives, being a candidate to reprefent the borough of Stamford in Parliament. This circumftance, although it ought not to difcredit the plan, affords ground (as we think the writer muft himself admit) for a full investigation of its expediency by judges confeffedly impartial, as well as competent to the talk. It cannot be expected of us, who are not poffeffed of the requifite local knowledge, to fay more than that it appears very fpecious in theory, and, from the importance of its objects, worthy of ferious attention,

The detailed plan is prefaced by general remarks on the commercial and local interests of Britain; in which are many useful fuggeftions, particularly as to a commerce to be carried on with Perfia by the Levant, inftead of paffing through Ruffia, when it was loaded with heavy impofts and charges, and is now of courfe, wholly prohibited. Our commerce through the Streights

might alfo in other refpects (according to this author be eon. fiderably augmented. It is alfo worthy of obfervation that, in the opinion of this intelligent writer, the non-intercourfe act as it is termed, paffed by the Americans, has proved highly advan tageous to Great Britain, in forcing (as it were) upon a large proportion of the trade, which till then had been carried by them. Indeed it is afterwards fhown, on the clearest grounds, that the intercourfe with America is far more neceffary, (as the author expreffes it)" to the child than to the parent.' In the Eaft Indies the author recommends, as other writers have done be fore him, a total abolition of the monopolizing fyftem.-Of course, this is a topic far too extenfive as well as momentous, to be dif cuffed in this place: but we have often been ftruck by a cir cumftance ftrongly pointed out by this writer, namely the great advantages enjoyed by the Americans in trading to India; advantages denied to British fubjects in general, and by which American traders were enabled to fupplant even our own East India Company in all the European as well as American markets. Thefe confiderations are profefiedly brought forward in order to fhow that the precarious and fluctuating state of our foreign com merce, renders an attention to our domeftic refources peculiarly neceffary, They form therefore a proper introduction to the main fubject of the work.

We were concerned to fee in this tract, a general fweeping con demnation of the expedition to Copenhagen; a measure fo clearly juftified by the fituation in which Britain was placed. But upon the whole, we deem this publication creditable to the industrious author, and replete with information, general as well as local, the confideration of which may prove highly advantageous to the country,

POLITICS.

ART. 22. A Reviery of the Conduct of the Allies, with Obfervations an Peace with France. 8vo. 55 pp. Richardfon. 1810. With a political writer, who gravely founds his fy item on the reality of the exploded treaties of Pavia and Pilnitz; who con fiders not only the continental allies but Britain herfelf as the aggreffors in the revolutionary war with France; who in 1810 thinks a peace with Bonaparte defirable; nay, that an honourable and fecure peace may be easily obtained (after the unfuc cefeful attempt during a former adminiftration); with a writer of this ftamp how fhall we reafon? Will it not be fufficient to refer this gentleman (who feems to err from ignorance. rather than ill intention) to a few of those works in which the caufe of Great Britain has been maintained by arguments that cannot be controverted, and facts that cannot be denied or ex

plained

plained away? Is he to be told at this day, that the intended treaty of Pavia not only was never proved by any authentic do. cument, or credible witnefs, but has been long ago demonftrated, by external and internal evidence, to be an impudent forgery? Is he not aware that the fuppofed treaty at Pilnitz has no other foundation than the interview between the Emperor and King of Prufia; at which the royal exiles from France could obtain no other countenance to their views than a general declaration of protection to the French monarch in the free exercife of his judg inent upon any propofed conftitution? So far from any treaty being made for the partition of France, there is no proof that fuch a meafure was ever in the contemplation of any of the allied powers, much lefs of the British government. On the queftion, who was the firft aggreffor, Auftria or France? the confeffion of Eriffot himfelf (in his addrefs to his conftituents) is decifive. The part taken by Great Britain has been amply juftified by a variety of writers; by none more fatisfactorily than by Dr. Marh, in his "Politics of Great Britain and France." And if this author can make up his mind to the abandonment of Spain, which (whatever he may think) muft in effect leave Portugal at the mercy of France,-if his eyes are not wilfully fhut to the danger of throwing open the fea to the tyrant of the Continent, let him attentively confider the events from the fignature of the preliminaries of peace in October 1801 to the fpring of 1803, when hoftilities again took place; and let him attentively perufe Mr. Stephen's excellent tract on "The Dangers of the Country*."· For ourselves, we are afhamed again to dwell on topics fo fully difcuffed, or to repeat arguments already placed by others in the moft ftriking points of view. We have faid thus much on the fuppofition that this author is not a wilful Jacobin, or (what is worfe, if posible) a Buonapartean; which, from his dedicating his work to the Marquis of Wellefley (one of the last men to fanction fuch opinions), we can hardly believe to be the cafe. But whatever the author may be, his work can only be classed with the ribaldry of Lewis Goldfinith, or the mifreprefentations of a Belfham; and to the difciples of that fchool we recommend it. Qui Bavium non odit, amet tua carmina, Mævî?”

66

ART. 23. The Diplomatic Policy of Mr. Madifon unveiled; in Strictures upon the late Correspondence between Mr. Smith and Mr. Jackson. By a Betonian. 8vo. 78 pp. 23. 6d. J. J. Stockdale. 1810.

The grofs partiality, manifefted on fo many occafions, by the leading party in America, to the views and interefts of France, cannot now, we fhould fuppofe, be a fubject of controverfy in

See Brit. Crit. vol. xxix. p. 407.

this country; at least amongst unprejudiced and difinterested politicians. With the people of the American States the cafe is widely different. Among them, fo ftrong has been the current of prejudice, that not all the exertions of the few, but able, advocates of justice and reafon have yet been able to divert it. For. tunately, at least for the honour and independence of America, the complaifance of their rulers to the French government has not been met by a correfpondent difpofition on the part of the Corfican emperor. Either he has calculated on a ftill greater fubferviency than even his own party is difpofed to endure, or his pride and averfion to all free ftates have overpowered every dictate of policy. America, therefore, may yet, almoft in fpite of her rulers, be compelled by our enemy to become the friend and ally of Britain. In this hope, we fhall briefly advert to, inftead of detailing at large, the very important fatements and (as we think) convincing reafonings of the author before us.

Our readers are not to be informed that, on the refufal of our government to fanction the unauthorized arrangement made by the king's minifter, Mr. Erskine, with the American adminif tration, Mr. Jackfon was immediately fent with full powers to conclude a treaty on more equitable principles. They must be aware also that, after a long altercation between the new minifter and the American fecretary of state, all intercourfe with Mr. Jackfon was broken off, and he was treated with every contumely, under the pretext of his having offered an infult to the American government.. The fhallownefs of this pretext was not generally believed, even in this country, till the corre. fpondence had been published and attentively read; and there are fill, we apprehend, perfons who cannot perfuade themselves that any government could have adopted, without fome provocation, a measure fo violent and hoftile.

The futility of this charge against the British minifter is, however, in our opinion clearly demonftrated in this fenfible and truly patriotic work; the author of which first relates and difcuffes the political hiftory of Mr. Madifon, the American president, in order to prove "that hatred to Great Britain and attachment to French politics were deeply rooted in his character." He next confiders the arrangement with Mr. Erskine, and the errors into which that gentleman was led; alfo the measures which the American government adopted to prevent Great Britain from acceding to the arrangement, and the proofs (which are amply detailed) that it was never expected the arrangement would be agreed to, and of course the evidence of infincerity, on the part of America, which these circumftances afford. Under this head he notices the conduct of congrefs at the next enfuing feffion, and fhows that it was a violation of the implied bargain with Mr. Erskine, and a departure from Mr. Madifon's perfonal affurances to that gentle

man.

He adverts alfo to the American negotiation with France, in order to prove that the arrangement with Mr. Erskine was in6 tended

tended to widen the breach between America and Great Britain. The author then difcuffes the rejection of that arrangement by Britain, together with the grounds and motives of that measure. Laftly, he states the circumstances of the late negotiation with Mr. Jackfon, and examines the foundation of the charge against that gentleman, of his having infulted the American government. In doing this, he analyzes the whole correfpondence between Mr. Jackfon and Mr. Smith, and shows (we think very clearly) that the charge of indecorum refts on the American fecretary.. Lastly, he points out the real caufes of the rupture of the negotiation, which he imputes folely to the American government.

For the reafon above stated, and indeed from the impoffibility, within our limits, of doing it full juftice, we have given only a short abstract of this important work; but we would strongly recommend the perufal of it to all who wish to be completely informed of the nature and merits of the controversy to which it relates.

ART. 24. The Subftance of a Speech delivered by Jofeph Marryat, Efq. in the House of Commons, on Tuesday, the Twentieth Day of February 1810, upon Mr. Manning's Motion for the Appointment of a Select Committee to confider of the Act of the 6th of George the Firft; and of our prefent Means of effe&ting Marine Infurances. Published by the Special Committee at Lloyd's. Se cond Edition. 8vo. 40 pp. Richardson. 1810.

It appears that the motion referred to in this fpeech was founded on a petition offered to the Houfe of Commons, by a number of refpectable perfons defirous of forming themfelves into a company for the purpose of effecting marine infurances. Two companies for hat purpofe had, it seems, been established by the 6th of George the First. But thefe companies being each on a limited fcale, and confining themselves to the regular infurances (as they are termed), do not seem to have interfered much with the infurances by indi. viduals, or to have prevented a fair competition. Such confe.. quences appear to be apprehended from the new company propofed, comprifing, it is faid, nine-tenths of the commercial intereft in the city of London; and the fpeech before us contains a variety of arguments against the establishment of fuch a company. On these arguments it would not be proper for us to give an opinion; as they have been, or will be, more competently difcuffed by the many refpectable members of parliament who are converfant in fubjects of a mercantile-nature. Nor indeed would it be fair, as we have only one fide of the question before us. The trite maxim of audi alteram partem is peculiarly applicable to questions involving a variety of private interefts, depending lefs upon ge, neral principles than fpecial circumftances, and appealing to the seft of professional knowledge and personal experience.

ART.

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