ness he pursues and in which his whole property is involved, must he rely for the support, education, and happiness of a numerous family. We, therefore, can have no motive for advocating projects that have not the universal prosperity of the city for their ultimate object. Our very existence depends on the activity and success of mercantile operations; and to endeavor to impede the progress of these operations would be, on our part, an act of suicide for which no conceivable motive could exist. In another, and, perhaps, a more common acceptation of the term, we are, absolutely and unequivocally, disinterested in the question now at issue between the Manufacturer and the Merchant. We do not, never did, and probably never shall, own or hold, a share or any fraction of a share in any manufacture whatever. If it be asked, then, why are we so zealous for the protection of this system of domestic manufactures, this is our plain answer,- The trade of Boston could not go on for a month, a week, nor a day, if the manufactories of New-England should be suspended in their operations. - Boston is a commercial city. The general character of her population is mercantile. Her numerous and increasing inhabitants, her traders, her mechanics, her laborers, her capitalists, her manufacturers, even, are sustained, directly or more remotely, by means of her navigation and commerce. But how is her navigation to be maintained and carried on without the reciprocal aid of the mechanic and the manufacturer? Whatever has a tendency to check the foreign or the coasting trade of this city, produces, in proportion to its extent and power, a corresponding check upon the enterprize and industry, and, of course, a deduction from the income of her inhabitants, and should be discouraged by every citizen. On the other hand, whatever has a contrary tendency should be encouraged and met with favor. He who can give employment to a single individual that is not now employed, whether that individual be the intrepid mariner, who can navigate the proudest fleet of merchantmen that ever traversed the ocean, or the humble laborer, whose capacity only enables him to earn his daily pittance by pushing a wheelbarrow, does something to augment the prosperity of the place. The question, then, for Bostonians to consider is, What can be done to extend our commerce? What will give the most profitable and permanent employment to capital? What will give employment to the greatest number of persons? This question we have considered, we have sought information from various sources, from the merchant and the manufacturer, we have investigated and deliberated, with the purest motives, and with all the powers of our feeble understanding, — and we are led irresistibly to the conclusion, that the success and the permanent establishment of the manufactures of New-England will make Boston, in a very few years, all that its most publicspirited friends can wish it to be, the seat of arts, industry and wealth, the emporium of the coasting trade, - the grand depot of goods manufactured for exportation to South-American and Mexican markets, and of all the products of those countries in return, and the centre of more foreign trade than it has ever yet enjoyed, even in the proudest period of her commercial history. If it be asked, On what ground do these predictions rest? let it be replied, on the experience of the last ten years. Not on exploded theories in political economy; not on the speculations of men who made their fortunes thirty years ago, at a time when fortunes were to be sought in other avenues and found in pursuits, which, at the present day, mock the most persevering industry and disappoint the search of the most sagacious and prudent; but on the plain, simple, undeniable fact, that the progress of our manufacturing system, thus far, HAS INCREASED the commercial prosperity of our city. It is a fact, often asserted and never yet refuted or denied, that the raw material used in the manufactures of New-England, employs a greater amount of tonnage, — triple the amount, if we are not incorrectly informed, — than ever was or could be employed in importing the necessary supplies of manufactured goods. What was the condition of Boston ten years ago, or at the close of the last war with Great Britain? There was then an impetuous clamor, as there has been since, about the stagnation of business and the decay of navigation, trade and commerce. Our young men, as soon as they came of age, emigrated to the western states. Their history need not be traced, for the picture would not be very attractive. The partial success of the few manufactories then in operation, induced other capitalists to build up others. The consequence of this is, a new impetus has been imparted to trade; the coasting trade of Boston has nearly doubled since that time; stores and houses, almost beyond number, have been erected; rents have not depreciated, but, in the aggregate, have advanced very considerably; and the population increased, in five years, from 1820 to 1825, more than thirteen thousand. The tide of emigration from Massachusetts was checked ; profitable employment has been furnished for thousands who were sickening with inactivity; and men of enterprize and intelligence have permanently settled in the city and the state, who would otherwise have been raising corn in Illinois, for which they could find no market, or, perhaps, distilling it into whiskey, to furnish subjects for prisons, alms-houses and penitentiaries. The simple facts above stated, — the increase of population in Boston, and the increase of the coasting trade, — are, in our humble opinion, worth all the speculations of Adam Smith, Godwin, Malthus, Say, Ricardo, the Evening Post, or even the authors of the Boston Report. Political economists may theorize till the day of doom, and speculators who find trade running in new channels may complain of the change and wonder at its effects, till the day after; but it is vain to attempt to check New-England enterprize or subdue New-England power. A portion of the men engaged in trade may endeavor to stop the progress of this enterprize and to give it a different direction; but they cannot succeed. Experience is the best theory, and facts are the best arguments; and they will be understood and produce an effect, when reasoning from abstruse principles will be unavailing. We make no apology for the length of this article. The importance of the subject, and our desire that all should understand the principles on which we act, seemed to demand of us this exposition. Claiming the credit of acting from pure motives and from the honest convictions of the understanding, we impute not to those who differ from us, and advocate a contrary doctrine, the influence of any other principles than those which are honest, pure, and patriotic. They are men of honor and intelligence, and their opinions are entitled to respect. To their intentions we cheerfully award all that we ask for our own. Time, the great teacher, will expose the mistakes of either, perhaps of both; but he cannot deprive Integrity of its boldness, nor browbeat the face of Truth. The letters I wrote from Washington, about fifty in number, are composed chiefly of sketches of debates in the House of Representatives, interspersed with speculations on the topics of discussion. The parties were nearly equally balanced; and they were divided by a line distinctly drawn, on one side of which were the friends and on the other the opponents of the administration; or in other words, the parties might be distinguished as Adams-men and Jackson-men; and it was not easy to find an individual that was not in favor of the re-election of Mr. Adams, or the election of General Jackson. Many speeches were made that were exceedingly personal, an apology for which was found (or pretended to be found) in the prodigality, as it was called, of Mr. Adams's administration. The famous "retrenchment resolutions" of Mr. Chilton, of Kentucky, formed the nucleus, about which were rolled innumerable strata of abuse, reproach, sarcasm, and vituperation. Incidents that happened when Mr. Adams was in Russia as minister-plenipotentiary, were presented in false colors and distorted features, and his domestic economy was descanted upon with a degree of cruelty that was truly revolting. Much of the prejudice I had entertained against Mr. Adams was removed by what I heard and saw during these discussions. It was not many years after that my views in regard to his policy, and the motives by which he was governed, underwent a total change; and sentiments of distrust and coldness gave place to those of confidence and admiration. I returned from Washington about the end of March, and resumed my daily task with the implements of editorial labor. The Courier had increased in popularity and augmented its number of subscribers, notwithstanding the exertions to put it down made by two or three gentlemen, who thought its advocacy of the tariff was an impertinent interference with the privileges of the commercial community. It is a fact, not generally known, that one gentleman, a violent enemy of the "American System," made personal application to many merchants to induce them to stop their subscription to the Courier. To what precise number he applied I was never informed. He succeeded with five or six, all of whom, in less than three years, became interested in the manufacture of wool or cotton, and, of course, abjured the doctrines of free trade. A similar change has come over the dreams of many who once thought protection to American labor no better than robbery of the merchant and importer. A wonderful change has been wrought in the minds of our people in twenty years respecting agricultural pursuits. In 1829 remarks such as those which follow were deemed rather wild and inappropriate : "A few days ago we heard a thrifty and heartylooking farmer inquiring in a store in State-street, if |