tainly needed the watchful care of the extreme democracy.

It was said of Mr. Adams that "he walked the streets with his hat under his arm, wearing a sword;" and in some parts of the country it was believed that he was always preceded by four men bearing drawn swords. All of which would have been absurd enough had there been any truth in the stories. Mr. Adams merely followed in the steps of General Washington, and both were without any kind of precedents. Although many of the usages of the Administration and of the President's house were ridiculous enough, and such as would be intolerable at this day, they were in keeping with the spirit of that time, and were supposed to be necessary for maintaining respect for the new Nation abroad.

The day after the inauguration, in a letter to his wife President Adams said:

"Your dearest friend never had a more trying day than yesterday. A solemn scene it was, indeed; and it was made more affecting to me by the presence of the General, whose countenance was as serene and unclouded as the day. He seemed to me to enjoy a triumph over me. Methought I heard him say: 'Ay! I am fairly out, and you fairly in! See which of us will be happiest.'

"When the ceremony was over, he came and made me a visit, and cordially congratulated me, and wished my Administration might be happy, successful, and honorable.

"In the chamber of the House of Representatives was a multitude as great as the space could contain, and I believe scarcely a dry eye but Washington's. The sight of the sun setting full orbed, and another rising, though less splendid, was a novelty. Chief Justice Ellsworth administered the oath, and with great energy. Judges Cushing, Wilson, and Iredell were present. Many ladies. I had not slept well the night before, and did not sleep well the night after. I was unwell, and did not know whether I should get through or not. I did, however. How the business

was received I know not, only I have been told that Mason, the treaty publisher, said we should lose nothing by the change, for he never heard such a speech in public in his life."

On the day on which Mr. Adams, as Vice-President, opened the electoral votes and declared himself President, his wife had written him this remarkable letter:

"QUINCY, 8th February, 1797.

"The sun is dressed in brightest beams,

To give thy honors to the day."

"And may it prove an auspicious prelude to each ensuing season. You have this day to declare yourself head of a nation. 'And now, O Lord, my God, thou hast made thy servant ruler over the people. Give unto him an understanding heart, that he may know how to go out and come in before this great people; that he may discern between good and bad. For who is able to judge this thy so great a people?' were the words of a royal sovereign; and not less applicable to him who is invested with the chief magistracy of a nation, though he wear not a crown, nor the robes of royalty.

"My thoughts and my meditations are with you, though personally absent; and my petitions to Heaven are, that 'the things which make for peace may not be hidden from your eyes.' My feelings are not those of pride or ostentation, upon the occasion. They are solemnized by a sense of the obligations, the important trusts, and numerous duties connected with it. That you may be enabled to discharge them with honor to yourself, with justice and impartiality to your country, and with satisfaction to this great people, shall be the daily prayer of your

A. A."

CHAPTER XXI.

MR. ADAMS AS PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES-SPECIAL SESSION OF CONGRESS PREPARATION FOR

A

WAR WITH FRANCE.

FFAIRS between France and the United States.

were now becoming serious enough, and the blind partiality towards that country continued, to a great extent, notwithstanding the general repugnance finally expressed at the disreputable conduct of "Citizen" Genet, one of the French ministers; and Jacobinism still survived. The restraints to partisan passion were removed by the retirement of Washington, and the conciliatory and pacifying inaugural, and other acts of the new President did not greatly soften the feelings of opposition. Yet there were many favorable circumstances under which Mr. Adams began his Administration, and he had reasons to be grateful for them.

One of the first things demanding his attention was the adjustment of difficulties with France. He first proposed to Mr. Jefferson to undertake the work of pacification, knowing his sympathy with the "revolution" in that country, as well as his diplomatic experience; but Mr. Jefferson declined.

Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, minister to France, had been dismissed with an insulting address from the French Directory; and the extraordinary conduct of

the French revolutionary leaders in declaring American seamen serving on British vessels to be pirates to be treated without mercy; and other acts interfering with the carrying and other interests of the United States, called for immediate action; and although Mr. Adams preferred peace and desired his Administration to be a source of the greatest possible benefits to the whole nation, he was not to be deterred from the discharge of the extraordinary duties imposed upon him by the Constitution, when the interests of the country were plainly at stake. As a last effort toward a peaceful settlement with France, he determined to send commissioners to that country, and without a disposition to bear the responsibility of other steps which might be considered necessary, he issued a proclamation calling Congress to meet on the 15th of May, 1797.

In making the nominations of delegates to Paris, the President was not willing to select men exclusively from his own party, and contrary to the desire of his Cabinet ministers, he sent to the Senate the name of Elbridge Gerry, a Democrat of Massachusetts, with Charles Cotesworth Pinckney of South Carolina, and John Marshall of Virginia.

His dignified and manly speech to Congress was received with decided evidences of approval by that body. While all the members of the President's Council, except Attorney-General Charles Lee, were opposed to a direct declaration of war, Mr. McHenry, Secretary of War, presented the President a number of written propositions to be submitted to Congress at its next regular session, looking to the organizing of the army and navy on a war footing, and otherwise providing against the probable aggressions of France in case the

commission failed in its purposes.

The commission

did fail completely, and not only that, but also suffered a still greater indignity by an offer from the corrupt French Directory to sell them peace and exemption from present annoyances. This base proposition, it is but charitable to think, at any later period or in any other hands, would not have been made by a nation habitually brave and chivalrous, if, indeed, destitute of most other admirable traits. Mr. Adams had placed in the commission three of the most able and incorruptible men of the country, and the famous expression of Mr. Pinckney, "Millions for defense, but not a cent for tribute," was not only the sentiment of his colleagues, but the President was gratified to find, was fast becoming the sentiment of the Nation.

In his message to Congress as to the result of this mission to France, the President withheld the full reports as unsafe at that time in exciting unduly the deliberations of that body, or the already disturbed public temper. But this act caused the distrust of Mr. Jefferson and his party, and was opposed to the purposes of the Federalist faction, headed by Alexander Hamilton. All the papers in the case were, accordingly required by Congress, and at once delivered up by the President. They caused the greatest excitement over the country, the result of which was a remarkable unanimity of sentiment against France, and in favor of energetic

war measures.

Congress ordered the organization of an army of sixteen thousand soldiers, made other arrangements for putting the country in a state of defense, and confirmed Mr. Adams's appointment of General Washington as commander-in-chief of the army. Washington