natural, of Lycia; and to complete our knowledge of the present state of that ancient and important province, respecting which the discoveries, first of Captain Beaufort, and afterwards of Sir Charles Fellows, had excited interest in the public mind." (Vol. I. Intr. p. vii.—ix.) So much for the plan of their undertaking. How far they were able to accomplish it, is detailed in the course of these amusing and instructive volumes. The first volume relates in the form of a connected journal the proceedings of the authors between March 3rd and May 26th, 1842, consisting of a journey commencing at Minara and Xanthus, and continued round the whole province (with occasional digressions), by the sea-coast as far as Adalia, and back through the interior to the point from which they set out. In the course of this tour, to let the travellers speak for themselves, "Besides the cities of Cibyra and Termessus Major, we were so fortunate as to find and fix the sites of Rhodiapolis, Candyba, Sura, the three cities called Cyanæ, Phellus, Edebessus, Acalissus, Gaga, Bubon, Lagbe, and Lagon. The Saga of Fellows we found to be Corydalla; his Massicytus, Araxa; and his Phellus, not that city, but with scarcely a doubt, Pyrrha. We found also several other ancient cities of importance; and especially two, which we have referred to Apollonia and Mandropolis. We traced the marches of Alexander the Great and of the consul Manlius through Lycia." (Vol. I. Intr. p. xiv.) On returning to Xanthus, at the latter end of May, they found two vessels, the "Monarch" and "Medea," lying off the north of the river, their crews being employed in preparing the marbles for removal. From thence they proceeded to Rhodes, at which place their united journey ended; but Mr. Daniell, who was already in delicate health, being anxious to satisfy himself with regard to certain points that had been left undetermined, returned to Adalia, and from thence visited alone Selge, Syllium, Marmora, Perge, and Lyrbe, with certain other sites in Pamphylia. But during this journey he was unhappily attacked by a malaria fever, and died after a short illness at Adalia. This melancholy circumstance throws a shade over the whole of their volumes, which the writers seem entirely unable to dispel. They give his character in a few words :"A true and kind heart, a clear and strong head, exquisite and cultivated taste, and fine imagination, were combined in our dear and deeply lamented friend.”—(Intr. p. xv.) With this event, lamentable as having sadly maimed the completedness of the enterprize, the narrative portion of the work concludes. The remainder of the second volume is occupied with the results of their researches. Chapter x. is concerned with historical questions: Chapters xi.-xiv., with the zoology, botany, and geology of the country. The latter appear to be accurately and carefully described, and, like the rest of the work, in the form of a plain relation of facts. The historical Chapter is distinguished from the rest, as being the formal enunciation of a theory, and for this reason, as well as on account of its general interest and importance, we will devote some pains to the consideration of its contents, with those of the appendices which are materially connected with it. It is asserted, then, that the rock-tombs of Lycia, and the socalled "Lycian" language and character, inscribed upon them, were not the works and property of the native and original Lycians, but of their conquerors, the Persians, and of the race descended from them, but corrupted by intermixture with the Hellenic colonies. This proposition appears to stand mainly on the following argu ments: "From the Iliad little more can be learnt [concerning the history of Lycia] than that the Lycians at the siege of Troy were a warlike and powerful nation, affording throughout the war distinguished services to the Trojans, under their several leaders Glaucus, Sarpedon, and Pandarus." (Iliad, B. v. and xii.) "Herodotus being from the neighbouring province of Caria, is more minute in the history of the early inhabitants of Lycia, omitting nothing apparently traditional or otherwise, known in his time respecting their origin. But respecting the condition of the country in his own time his narrative is unfortunately too brief; for it was then that the socalled Lycian rock-tombs, monuments, and the language upon them, were first sculptured and inscribed according to the opinion of the scholars who have investigated the inscriptions. It is in consequence, the epoch most interesting as bearing on Lycian history. Herodotus has, however, briefly noticed, that those inhabitants of Lycia, now calling themselves Xanthians, are all strangers excepting certain families, on which account it may be supposed that the manners and customs they had introduced were undeserving of particular notice, as being foreign to the true Lycians. We subjoin from this historian those passages which refer to the early history of the country. "The Lycians came in ancient times from Crete under Sarpedon, who, being expelled by his brother, settled in the Milyadian territory: such was then the name of the country now occupied by the Lycians : the Milyans were now called Solymians. For some time they were governed by Sarpedon, and were called at that time, as they are even now by some of their neighbours, Termilians. But Lycus, son of Pandion, having been driven from Athens by his brother Ægeus, came among the Termilians, and was received by Sarpedon, and in course of time it happened that the name of the stranger was adopted by the people, who were afterwards called Lycians: their laws are partly Cretan, partly Carian: one of their customs is entirely peculiar to themselves, that the children take the name of their mothers, and not that of their fathers.' (B. i. c. 173.) "The Lycians remained an independent nation until Cyrus turned his armies against them after the fall of Croesus. The Carians were reduced to servitude by Harpagus, the General of Cyrus, without displaying any instances of valour: but the Lycians, when Harpagus arrived in the plains of Xanthus, came forth against him, and fighting a few with many gave signal instances of valour; but being defeated and driven into their city, they brought into the citadel their wives, their children, their goods and slaves, and then setting fire to the fortress, consumed them all. Having so done, they bound themselves by a tremendous oath, and going forth, fought till all were slain. Those Lycians who now call themselves Xanthians, are with the exception of forty families, strangers, who have since settled in the place. Thus was Xanthus taken by Harpagus, and in nearly the same manner Caunus also; for the Caunians imitated in a great measure the Lycians.' (B. i. 171, 174, 176.) In the above account of the history of the Lycians, there are no grounds for supposing that a language so distinct as that now found engraven on a certain class of monuments, and so different from the languages then spoken in Asia Minor, was that of those colonists who supplanted the Termilians or Solymians; but on the contrary it is to be inferred from the Iliad, that their language was Greek, similar to the other nations with whom, and against whom, they were joined in warfare. This is clearly proved [?] by the parley between Glaucus and Diomed in front of the two armies. (B. vi. 150.). Their religion was the same also, as from Homer we learn that the Lycians worshipped Apollo." (Iliad, B. iv. 150.) From whence do we not learn it? Why, throughout the whole range of Classic authors, "Lycian" is the sollenne epitheton of the Sun-god, "Qui rore puro Castaliæ lavat Crines solutos; qui Lycia tenet The Lycians certainly worshipped Apollo; but then so did the Hyperboreans. And why, if Glaucus speaks Greek in Homer, why should that be supposed to be his native language, any more than of Rhesus or Memnon, or of King Priam himself? Or supposing the poet to have regarded Glaucus as of Hellenic origin, is not this a mere adaptation of the circumstances to the mythical descent of the Termila? For there is every probability that the myths which represent the later Lycians as colonists from Crete, Athens, and Argos respectively, are merely inversions of the true account of certain early Pelasgian migrations from that country. The name of Lycus bears on its very face a mythological appearance his descent from Pandion carries us back to the darkest periods of Athenian antiquity, while the similarity of the name to that of Lycaon, Lycæus, and the like, connects him with the early Pelasgian dominion. Another fabled colonist, Xanthus, who, like the last-mentioned hero, is nothing more or less than the Eponymus of a Pelasgic tribe, is, in one of the old Greek genealogies, made the brother of Iasus, the father of Io (and the Iones), Pelasgus, Messene, and Agenor, and a lineal descendant of Argus. With regard to the myth of Sarpedon, it is possible that it may actually denote an immigration from Crete. The contentions between Minos and Sarpedon for the sovereignty appear to represent a portion of the long-continued contest between the Hellenic and Pelasgic elements of the Grecian, Asiatic, and insular tribes, of which it is possible that the Trojan war itself is only a more famous memorial. We know from history that Crete was occupied by a diversity of nations, some being of Doric origin, and others akin to the Carians. The latter, we read, were subjugated by Minos throughout the Ægean islands: may not the flight of Sarpedon be another memorial of the same transaction? We must not forget that the name under which the Carians appeared in Crete, namely, Leleges, is also found in the legends both of Lacedemon and of the west of Greece. We are therefore disposed to regard the Termilæ, or Lycians properly so called, as a branch of the great Pelasgic family; but does it therefore follow that they spoke Greek? It is true that Herodotus says that the Ionic race is Pelasgian, but then he tells us that it became Hellenic. On the other hand we learn from him that the scattered and isolated Tyrrheno-Pelasgi, who, whatever they were, certainly came of the same stock, spoke a different language from their Hellenic neighbours. The Carians, too, evidently spoke a distinct language in the time of Thucydides, and Herodotus implies that it was so in his own time. But the fact of his silence "as to the Lycians speaking a language peculiar to themselves," can prove nothing as to their speaking Greek: on the contrary, had they done so, it is probable that he would have recorded it, for an Asiatic Greek is always regarded as an exception to a rule, being nothing more than an xoxos from the mothercountry. But a tribe dating their origin from the fabulous period of Minos, would hardly be included in the list of Greek colonies. Who then were the people to whom we are to ascribe the rocktombs and inscriptions of Lycia? Let us hear what our authors say upon the subject: 'As the earliest monument inscribed in this language has been fixed by Mr. Sharpe, and generally received to be subsequent to the Persian invasion, we formed an opinion that the language was never spoken by the entire population of Lycia, which is somewhat borne out by the several bilingual inscriptions existing in the country; and that those inhabitants to whom the language belonged, were the very strangers who Herodotus informs us settled there, after the original possessors of the country, the true Lycians, were destroyed; and that in fact these settlers were the conquerors themselves; and that the socalled Lycian monuments and inscriptions were the relics of those people." (Vol. ii. p. 42.) Now we must protest against the authority of Herodotus being cited to prove that the Persians ever settled in Lycia. We are not aware that they ever settled in any of their western conquests; so much so, at all events, as to form the entire population of a large city, save eighty (not "forty") families. The word éπŋλúdes, used by Herodotus of the new inhabitants of Xanthus, appears to us to have reference to that city alone, and so far from being applied to absolute strangers, it is used of those whom Herodotus expressly calls "Lycians." The extracts made by the authors from the Clio of Herodotus do not profess to be literal translations, perhaps fortunately; but in one case they appear to us to be positively erroneous. We will quote the original, and then give the authors' translation, and our own; and we beg to call the reader's attention to the difference, as bearing considerably on the question in hand. Οἱ δὲ Λύκιοι ἐκ Κρήτης τὠρχαῖον γεγόνασι. τὴν γάρ Κρήτην εἶχον τὸ παλαιὸν πᾶσαν βάρβαροι, διενειχθέντων δὲ ἐν Κρήτῃ περὶ τῆς βασιληίης τῶν Εὐρώπης παίδων, Σαρπηδόνος τε καὶ Μίνω, ὡς ἐπεκράτησε τῇ στάσει Μίνως, ἐξήλασε αὐτόν τε Σαρπηδόνα καὶ τοὺς στασιώτας αὐτοῦ· οἱ δὲ ἀπωσθέντες, ἀπίκοντο τῆς ̓Ασίης ἐς γῆν τὴν Μιλυάδα· τὴν γὰρ νῦν Λύκιοι νέμονται, αὕτη τὸ παλαιὸν ἦν Μιλυάς· οἱ δὲ Μιλύαι, τότε Σόλυμοι ἐκαλέοντο (Her. i. 173.) Messrs. Spratt and Forbes give the following translation, or rather abstract of this long passage :— "The Lycians came in ancient times from Crete under Sarpedon, who being expelled by his brother, settled in the Milyadian territory; such was then the name of the country now occupied by the Lycians; the Milyans were now called Solymians.” Now let us translate it after our own fashion :- "The Lycians are of old from Crete: for barbarians anciently occupied the whole of Crete; but when the children of Europa, Sarpedon, and Minos, contended for the sovereignty in Crete, and Minos was victorious, he expelled Sarpedon with his partisans. And these being exiled came to the Milyad of Asia; for the country which the Lycians now inhabit was anciently the Milyad, and the Milye were then called Solymi." Now, without denying that the words of the original will also bear the construction put upon them by the writers, and with all possible deference to their historical knowledge, we cannot help thinking that the plain meaning of the words is that the present country of the Milya was anciently that of the Solymi, (oi Miλúa being used according to a very common Greek idiom for Miλvás) and not that the name of the Milya was lost and replaced by the name of Solymi; for the latter supposition seems completely negatived by the mention of the Milyæ amid the Carians, Lycians, and Pamphylians. (Herod. iii. 90.) To us the simpler view appears to be that the Pelasgic immigrants of Sarpedon drove back the Milyæ, |