their guard on the march to Mexico, there were less than two hundred Texians, and the Mexican guard consisted of two hundred infantry and one hundred cavalry. The Texians had of course no arms of any sort, and the Mexicans anticipated the attack. Yet in fifteen minutes the Mexicans were defeated. Shall we go to war with such a people? Shall we send Scott and Worth to glean a field which has been thus reaped?

If the main body of the Texians had not returned to Texas and had penetrated further into Mexico, no one can fix a limit to their triumphs. I have no doubt that they would have been extensive and important. I regret that I have not yet been able to procure a copy of General Green's account of that short but most remarkable cam-paign, and the consequences which followed it.

CHAPTER XIX.

Review of Mexican History since the Revolution-Pivisions of the Constitution of Tacubaya-Departments of Government -Powers and Duties of the various Officers-Free Institutions without the Spirit of Freedom.

ANYTHING like an outline of the history of Mexico since the revolution which separated that country from Spain, would extend these pages very much beyond the limits which I have prescribed to myself, and would require more time than I have at my disposal. The following hasty glance must therefore suffice. The overthrow of Iturbide in 1823 was followed by the adoption in 1824 of a federal constitution, of which that of the United States was the model. Experience proved that this was much too closely followed. The constitution lasted, however, for a period much longer than any other is likely to do in Mexico. In 1828, Santa Anna made a successful movement against the government of Pedraza, overthrew it, and shortly afterwards in the same way again put down Guerrero, who was subsequently treacherously and foully murdered. In 1832, Santa Anna again pronounced against Bustamente, and placed Pedraza in power. In 1833, he was elected President himself, and in 1835 he established the federal system, and aided by the priests founded a central government which was the cause and the just cause of the revolution in Texas. Never could any people say, with more truth, non in hæc federa veni.

In 1836, Santa Anna invaded Texas with a large army,

was defeated at San Jacinto, and made prisoner. After this he remained on his estate at Manga de Clavo, until 1839, when, in a gallant attack upon the French who had landed at Vera Cruz, he lost his leg and recovered his reputation. In the fall of 1842, he again pronounced against Bustamente, overthrew and banished him. The chiefs of the army assembled at Tucubaya, a village three miles from Mexico, established a provisional government until a new constitution could be formed. By the seventh Article of the plan of this provincial government, it is provided that the President shall have all powers necessary to organize the nation and all the branches of the government. Santa Anna construed this grant as in fact conferring upon him absolute powers. He is not without high authority, however, in construing the words, "necessary powers," which there, as elsewhere, were only intended to convey auxiliary powers, into a grant not only of substantive, but of all possible powers. Members were elected to form a new constitution, and assembled about the time. of my arrival in Mexico. Their discussions were clever enough, but they talked too much about Greece and Rome. Perhaps the examples of these countries were more to their purpose and tastes than others more modern and more free; their labors were about being closed, and it was known. that the result would be the adoption of a constitution federal in its form. Santa Anna retired to his estate at Manga de Clavo, leaving old Bravo, President ad interim. Pronunciamentos were gotten up all over the country by the different military garrisons, in which the work of the Convention was denounced and the President requested to close its sessions, which he did. The event was celebrated by a grand military procession through the streets of Mexico. I have seen nothing so revolting as it was, nor

anything which made me so despondent as to the future destinies of Mexico. It marched by my door, and I cannot express my feelings when I saw the ignorant and debased soldiery headed by their officers, who, as to the true principles of a government calculated to secure the liberties of the people, were little better informed, thus celebrating the triumph of brute force over the will of the people fairly expressed.

I would here remark, that although I have a well settled opinion that a federal government is not suited to the circumstances aud condition of Mexico, yet I am well satisfied that the federal party numbers in its ranks much the larger portion of the true patriots of the country. It was said, with how much truth I cannot decide, that Santa Anna absented himself from Mexico at this important juncture to avoid the responsibility of the act of closing the sessions of the Convention, and to throw that responsibility upon General Bravo. A new Convention soon after assembled, which was composed chiefly of members nominated by the President. This Convention adopted a constitution which went into operation in the beginning of the year 1844. Although I cannot go the whole length of the opinion expressed by Pope, that the government "which is best. administered is best," yet I am satisfied that the present constitution of Mexico is better than another of those changes so disastrous to the country, and which have made Mexico the object of ridicule everywhere.

Some of the leading provisions of this constitution are the following:

Slavery is for ever prohibited.

The liberty of the Press is guaranteed; a guarantee, however, purely theoretical; it is no more free than in France, nor as free.

Equally theoretical is the provision that no one shall be arrested but by the authority of law.

No taxes to be imposed but by the legislative authority. Private property not to be taken for public uses but with just compensation.

Mexicans to be preferred for public offices to strangers, if their qualifications are equal-a qualification, by the way, of this provision which neutralizes it.

Persons who have attained the age of eighteen years are entitled to the rights of citizens, if married; if unmarried, twenty-one years; and who have an annual income of two hundred dollars, either from labor or the profits of capital. After the year 1850, those only are to exercise the privileges of a citizen who can read and write.

By becoming a domestic servant, the privileges of a citizen are suspended; so, also, pending a criminal prosecution being a habitual drunkard or gambler, a vagrant or keeping a gaming-house.

The rights of citizenship are lost by conviction of an infamous crime, or for fraudulent bankruptcy, or by malversation in any public office.

The legislative power is composed of a house of deputies and a senate, one deputy for every seventy thousand inhabitants; a supernumerary deputy shall be elected in all cases to serve in the absence of the regular deputy.

The age prescribed for members of Congress is thirty years. They must have an annual income of twelve hundred dollars. One half of the members to be re-elected every two years.

The Senate is composed of sixty-three members, twothirds of whom are to be elected by the departmental assemblies, the other third by the House of Deputies, the President of the Republic, and the Supreme Court; each