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the United States and Canada, fortified only with good will; over one hundred years of peace with France, and a war with Spain in which we went into her neighboring island of Cuba, did our work, and withdrew. America has her own tradition of the modern way to acquire territory: the Louisiana purchase, under Jefferson, the great tract of land bought of Napoleon after he was obliged to relinquish his dream of extending the French Empire to American shores; the purchase of Alaska from Russia for $7,200,000 in 1867, and of the Phillipines from Spain in 1902 in spite of the fact that they might have been claimed, according to John Hay, as a conquest of war after Admiral Dewey's victory. We have one example, at least, of declination to enter the circle of financial imperialism when the United States refused to be one of the Six Powers to put through the Chinese Loan a preliminary to partition and saved ourselves from the "dollar diplomacy" that advocated the loan even in our own land.

Time and the clamor of great events have somewhat dimmed the character of our origin, the gaunt outlines of our revolt against injustice. But these outlines remain to guide us to-day when America has passed from weakness to strength, from poverty to riches, from a debtor to the great creditor nation. America has everything to offer. What has America to fear?

America must be guarded against her own

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prosperity, her own success; and this success is twofold: success in industry and success in arms. From the Junker within her gates; from the subtle temptations of Power; from the American militarist and the American imperialist, out for the markets of the world and determined to have the army and the navy to enforce economic domination, the American people must pray and work for deliverance. Herein lies the lurking American danger the modern Goliath that the young David of Internationalism must slay if American ideals are to endure and the new world state is to be made safe and free for all.

The honor of America is in the hands of American women as well as American men. They, too, are the daughters of freemen, the recipients of a great heritage and the custodians of a great trust. They, too, cannot recall too often the outlines of their inheritance. The mantle of their privileges is worn so ordinarily that they sometimes forget that these privileges are not yet assured to other women and other nations. They are the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness -all prerogatives blasted by the hot breath of


Women must end war. Sooner or later this giant task of the ages must dawn upon all women and create solidarity. And in initiating this enterprise, the American woman, so long recognized for her independence and initiative, must play a leading

rôle. As the pallid hands of overrun nations are stretched out to her, the American woman must visualize the great human needs of nations and stand, like a Goddess of Liberty, over her representatives to insist that America offer to the stricken nations only the best gifts that America has to bestow. Nothing else will serve. These gifts are idealism, freedom, democracy; democracy to the utmost, democracy without stint or limit, the righteous and triumphant democracy that shall prove that America is not the custodian of this or that special interest, but of the ideal of Liberty itself.

"If drunk with sight of power, we loose

Wild tongues that have not Thee in awe

Such boasting as the Gentiles use,

Or lesser breeds without the law

Lord God of Hosts, be with us yet,

Lest we forget-lest we forget."





"The day of autocracy in industry is dead."

HE peace of the world may be disturbed in a variety of ways. There is industrial and civil war as well as political and international war, and women interested in promoting permanent peace must give their attention to the labor problem that is tearing at the heart of society to-day, realizing that industrial peace is a fundamental of any genuine world peace. will profit the world little if there is harmony among states and widespread dissatisfaction within.


To build a world upon political democracy alone, however universal, however just its principles, and to overlook the crying need in every state for democratic adjustment in industry with reference to the growing need of the workers, is like building a house one half upon terra firma and the other half over a flaming pit. The house will suffer from two directions not only from the flames below

NOTE. Since this Chapter was written events have moved so rapidly that conditions have become somewhat altered. But the principles of the Chapter have not altered, and so I have allowed it to remain. F. G. T.

that are bound to reach and devour it, but also from the disintegration of its own hastily adjusted, unsound parts.

The great war is not entirely responsible for the social conflagration that is sweeping Europe to-day, the excess and chaos that mark the death of old orders, the travail and labor pains that inevitably accompany the birth of new social forms. Long before the war the world was in the throes of a world-wide industrial revolution, tearing at civilization in the great industrial centers. The old autocracies have paid dearly for their blindness in not recognizing the processes of economic evolution that have long clamored for recognition. Will the democracies of Europe who are to mold the future remain equally blind? Will they fail to recognize that the people of Central and Eastern Europe have overthrown their rulers, not that they might gain political power as such, but that they might have political power as the means of improving their own intolerable economic conditions; power at the top to improve unspeakable living conditions at the bottom? In Russia, for instance, we see the industrial revolution in its most acute form. The workers of Russia cared little for the form of government under which they lived, once the symbol of oppression was overthrown. They were interested, primarily, in establishing direct contacts with the people that would assure them every-day human necessities —

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