Complaint is made to me that you are forcing negroes into the military service, and even torturing them-riding them on rails and the like -to extort their consent. I hope this may be a mistake. The like must not be done by you, or any one under you. You must not force negroes any more than white men. Answer me on this. A. LINCOLN. LETTER TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT EXECUTIVE MANSION, February 7, 1865. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Va.: General Singleton, who bears you this, claims that he already has arrangements made, if you consent, to bring a large amount of Southern produce through your lines. For its bearing on our finances I would be glad for this to be done if it can be without injuriously disturbing your military operations, or supplying the enemy. I wish you to be judge and master on these points. Please see and hear him fully, and decide whether anything, and if anything what, can be done in the premises. Yours truly, A. LINCOLN. TELEGRAM TO GENERAL U. S. GRANT EXECUTIVE MANSION, February 8, 1865. Lieutenant-General Grant, City Point, Va.: I am called on by the House of Representatives to give an account of my interview with Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell, and it is very desirable to me to put in your despatch of February 1, to the Secretary of War, in which, among other things, you say: "I fear now their going back without any expression from any one in authority will have a bad influence." I think the despatch does you credit, while I do not see that it can embarrass you. May I use it? A. LINCOLN. * TELEGRAM TO M. HOYT EXECUTIVE MANSION, February 8, 1865. Mark Hoyt, Esq., New York: The President has received your dispatch asking an interview. He cannot appoint any specific day or hour, but your delegation may come at their own convenience and he will see them as soon as he possibly can after their arrival. JNO. G. NICOLAY, Private Secretary. LETTER TO GOVERNOR SMITH EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., February 8, 1865. Governor Smith, of Vermont: Complaint is made to me by Vermont that the assignment of her quota for the draft on the pending call is intrinsically unjust, and also in bad faith of the government's promise to fairly allow credits for men previously furnished. To illustrate, a supposed case is stated as follows: Vermont and New Hamphire must, between them, furnish six thousand (6,000) men on the pending call, and being equals each must furnish as many as the other in the long run. But the government finds that on former calls Vermont furnished a surplus of five hundred (500), and New Hampshire a surplus of fifteen hundred (1,500). These two surpluses making two thousand (2,000), and added to the six thousand (6,000), making eight thousand (8,000) to be furnished by the two States, or four thousand (4,000) each, less by fair credits. Then subtract Vermont's surplus of five hundred (500) from her four thousand (4,000), leaves three thousand five hundred (3,500) as her quota on the pending call; and likewise substract New Hampshire's surplus of fifteen hundred (1,500) from her four thousand (4,000), leaves two thousand five hundred (2,500) as her quota on the pending call. These three thousand five hundred (3,500) and two thousand five hundred (2,500) make precisely the six thousand (6,000) which the supposed case requires from the two States, and it is just equal for Vermont to furnish one thousand (1,000) more now than New Hampshire, because New Hampshire has heretofore furnished one thousand (1,000) more than Vermont, which equalizes the burdens of the two in the long run; and this result, so far from being bad faith to Vermont, is indispensable to keeping good faith with New Hampshire. By no other result can the six thousand (6,000) men be obtained from the two States, and at the same time deal justly and keep faith with both, and we do but confuse ourselves in questioning the process by which the right result is reached. The supposed case is perfect as an illustration. The pending call is not for three hundred thousand (300,000) men subject to fair credits, but is for three hundred thousand (300,000) remaining after all fair credits have been deducted, and it is impossible to concede what Vermont asks without coming out short of the three hundred thousand (300,000) men, or making other localities pay for the partiality shown her. This upon the case stated. If there be different reasons for making an allowance to Vermont, let them be presented and considered Yours truly, ABRAHAM LINCOLN. MESSAGES TO CONGRESS, February 8, 1865 To the Honorable the Senate and House of Representatives: The joint resolution, entitled "Joint resolution declaring certain States not entitled to representation in the electoral college," has been signed by the executive, in deference to the view of Congress implied in its passage and presentation to him. In his own view, however, the two Houses of Congress, convened under the twelfth article of the Constitution, have complete power to exclude from counting all electoral votes deemed by them to be illegal; and it is not competent for the executive to defeat or obstruct that power by a veto, as would be the case if his action were at all essential in the matter. He disclaims all right of the executive to interfere in any way in the matter of canvassing or counting electoral votes; and he also disclaims that, by signing said resolution, he has expressed any opinion on the recitals of the preamble, or any judgment of his own upon the subject of the resolution. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. To the Senate and House of Representatives: I transmit to Congress a copy of a note of the 4th instant, addressed by J. Hume Burnley, Esq, her Britannic Majesty's chargé d'affaires, to the Secretary of State, relative to a sword which it is proposed to present to Captain Henry S. Stellwagen, commanding the United States frigate Constellation, as a mark of gratitude for his services to the British brigantine Mersey. The expediency of sanctioning the acceptance of |