The Soul of a patriot spoke through the hush, "I shall advance!" said General Foch. Forth from Paris to meet the storm Of stinging hot and hard and quick. For France they fought, for France they died, Their right was weakened, their left was thin, When the tide of battle turned with a rush; For France was there- and Ferdinand Foch! Not since Garibaldi's stroke Freed his land from the Austrian yoke, And Italy after a thousand years Not since Nelson followed the star Fronted the Persian hosts and won Against the tyrant at Marathon, Has a greater defender of liberty Stood and struck for the cause than he, Whose right was weakened, whose left was thin, But whose iron courage no fate could crush We who are left to carry the fray The war of the angels for goodly right The Issues of the War Abridged from a speech by President Wilson on opening the Fourth Liberty Loan campaign, at New York City, September 27, 1918. This speech was referred to in Germany's "peace drive" of October 8, 1918. At every turn of the war we gain fresh consciousness of what we mean to accomplish by it. For it has positive and well-defined purposes which we did not determine and which we can not alter. No statesman or assembly created them; no statesman or assembly can alter them. They have arisen out of the very nature and circumstances of the war. The most that statesmen or assemblies can do is to carry them out or be false to them. They were perhaps not clear at the outset, but they are clear now. The war has lasted more than four years and the whole world has been drawn into it. The common will of mankind has been substituted for the particular purposes of individual States. Individual statesmen may have started the conflict, but neither they nor their opponents can stop it as they please. It has become a people's war, and peoples of all sorts and races, of every degree of power and variety of fortune, are involved in its sweeping processes of change and settlement. We came into it when its character had become fully defined and it was plain that no nation could stand apart or be indifferent to its outcome. Its challenge drove to the heart of everything we cared for and lived for. The voice of the war had become clear and gripped our hearts. Our brothers from many lands, as well as our own murdered dead under the sea, were calling to us, and we responded, fiercely and of course. The air was clear about us. We saw things in their full, convincing proportions as they were, and we have seen them with steady eyes and unchanging comprehension ever since. We accepted the issues of the war as facts, not as any group of men either here or elsewhere had defined them, and we can accept no outcome which does not squarely meet and settle them. Those issues are these: Shall the military power of any nation or group of nations be suffered to determine the fortunes of peoples over whom they have no right to rule except the right of force? Shall strong nations be free to wrong weak nations and make them subject to their purpose and interest? Shall peoples be ruled and dominated, even in their own internal affairs, by arbitrary and irresponsible force or by their own will and choice? Shall there be a common standard of right and privilege for all peoples and nations or shall the strong do as they will and the weak suffer without redress? Shall the assertion of right be haphazard and by casual alliance or shall there be a common concert to oblige the observance of common rights? No man, no group of men, chose these to be the issues of the struggle. They are the issues of it, and they must be settled-by no arrangement or compromise or adjustment of interests, but definitely and once for all and with a full and unequivocal acceptance of the principle that the interest of the weakest is as sacred as the interest of the strongest. This is what we mean when we speak of a permanent peace, if we speak sincerely, intelligently, and with a real knowledge and comprehension of the matter we deal with. We are all agreed that there can be no peace obtained by any kind of bargain or compromise with the governments of the central empires, because we have dealt with them already and have seen them deal with other governments that were parties to this struggle, at Brest-Litovsk and Bucharest. They have convinced us that they are without honor and do not intend justice. They observe no covenants, accept no principle but force and their own interest. We cannot come to terms " with them. They have made it impossible. The German people must by this time be fully aware that we cannot accept the word of those who forced this war upon We do not think the same thoughts or speak the same language of agreement. It is the peculiarity of this great war that while statesmen have seemed to cast about for definitions of their purpose and have sometimes seemed to shift their ground and their point of view, the thought of the mass of men, whom statesmen are supposed to instruct and lead, has grown more and more unclouded, more and more certain of what it is that they are fighting for. National purposes |