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viously drawn it thence. Now there are but two ways in which wealth can be procured from the original producers or proprietors, viz. by voluntary consent, or by force. If it be procured by voluntary consent, the right and title to it is always good and undeniable; but if by force, how stands the case?

All the ways of procuring wealth by voluntary consent of the proprietors, whether it be gratuitously delivered up and bestowed, or transferred by treaty and agreement in exchange for a valuable consideration or equivalent, are just and allowable; but all the ways of taking it by force are unjust, and are indeed nothing else but actual robberies, except one, and that is when it is taken by authority of the community to support government, law, and justice. And for this anomaly, and single exception to the general rule, necessity is the only apology, the very existence of civilized society depending upon it. But even here the principle of voluntary consent ought to be adhered to as far as it is possible to do so; and in the imposition of taxes, as well as in other affairs of government in general, the sense and suffrage of the people ought to be taken as widely and extensively as circumstances will per mit, that they may be sanctioned by voluntary consent, or appointment of the greater number at least, without which they cannot be altogether just or unexceptionable.

Government, law, and force, are absolutely necessary to the existence of civilized society. The decrees and sanctions of authority, law, and government, and force to support those sanctions, are necessary to the production, security, and just distribution of wealth; and not only to this end, but to the protection, security, and defence of the person as well as property. But government cannot exist without persons to administer it, and these must be paid for their labour and services; and hence the necessity of contributions, and of regulations as to their amount, or laws

and force to compel, where it may be necessary, the fraudulent or refractory to pay their due proportions, that all may be obliged to contribute to the support of so useful and indispensable an institution, in the benefit and protection of which all must share. But the force and compulsion ought always to be endeavoured to be made as little as possible, and should never be allowed to exceed what the exigence requires.

While we then distinctly recognize and admit this particular case of force, in the transfer of property which the imperfection of human nature and the exigence of human affairs demand, and most fully acknowledge, as we are bound in reason to do, the necessity upon which it is founded, we must at the same time claim, in return, the concession, equally absolute, unqualified, and undeniable, that this particular case is a perfect anomalism, that it is a solitary exception to the general rule and principle, invariable and inviolable in all other cases, that it is justified alone by those circumstances of imperious necessity in which its expediency is acknowledged, and that it is always to be confined within the narrowest limits which it is possible to prescribe to it.

To comply with this principle, therefore, it is manifest, that in the imposition of taxes, (whether by the general government, or by inferior local authorities,) the sense and suffrage of all who are to contribute* ought to be admitted

It is not necessary that we should here enter into the controversy respecting universal suffrage, it being indirectly admitted in the text, that a much more limited system of representation would sufficiently guarantee the rights of property and secure from spoliation the public treasure. Nevertheless I shall state here what appears to me to be the truth, that a great deal of absurd declamation has been vented on this subject, and much affected or unnecessary horror and alarm expressed and excited against what would probably

and consulted as far as it may be practicable to do so; and when this is attended to, all is done that can be done for the attainment of justice. The minority, though dissent

be found upon trial to be entirely harmless at least, if not positively beneficial and preferable to any limited plan of suffrage whatever.

It has been argued, that the system of universal suffrage would subject the community, where it should be allowed, to the government of the mob; and fears have even been entertained, or pretended, for the security of property under such a system. But certainly nothing can be more unfounded or gratuitous than such fears; for although universal suffrage were established, property would still preserve its full and legitimate influence in the election of representatives; and the inferior ranks of people would still continue to look up to those above them, and to be guided in a great measure by their opinion, except, perhaps, in the case of particular persons of superior judgment and intelligence, in whom the exercise of an independent vote would be not only innocuous, but highly salutary and advantageous.

Even the number of those who have property to protect, great and small, in an opulent and well-governed country, is always greater than that of those who have nothing, independent of their greater weight and influence with their neighbours. And with regard to the objection that great bodies of men might be influenced by their employers, and driven to the poll like herds of cattle, it is a sufficient answer, that the employers themselves, not being all of one side or one mind, would throw what influence they possessed into the opposite scales, and thus in a great measure neutralize the effects of one another.

"The lower sort of people, and small proprietors," says one who was never suspected of favouring democracy," are good enough judges of one not very distant from them in rank or habitation; and therefore, in their parochial meetings, will probably choose the best or nearly the best representative: but they are wholly unfit for countymeetings, and for electing into the higher offices of the republic. Their ignorance gives the grandees an opportunity of deceiving them."-Hume's Essays, part ii., essay 16.

So far from endangering property, the system of universal suffrage (or some plan of voting or representation approaching to it in a greater or less degree) is the one thing needful to render property perfectly secure; for it is this alone which can prevent all undue en

ing, must acknowledge, at least, the fairness of the proceeding, and will therefore the more readily yield obedience to the law, and even cheerfully contribute their allotted proportions, (in this case never likely to be exorbitant or oppressive,) under so equitable a system.

By extending in this manner the right of delegation or suffrage as far as may be practicable under any given circumstances, the fullest and most general consent will be obtained which is possible: there will be as little of force and as much of agreement in every act of government as the imperfection of human affairs will permit; and whilst the sovereignty of the law will be established on the surest foundation, and the maintenance of justice fully provided for, the prosperity of the country where such system prevails, and the harmony and tranquillity of the whole society, will be effectually promoted and secured.

From what has been here advanced, then, it should appear that there are just five distinct grounds or descriptions of right to property.

The first arises from LABOUR, by which it is directly and immediately obtained.

The second is from LAND, by which it is directly and immediately obtained.

The third is from CAPITAL, by which it is directly and immediately obtained.

These three foregoing are the primary and original grounds

croachments upon it in the shape of unjust and unnecessary taxation, and the consequent discontent and oppression of the labouring classes, (which is so frequent a cause of disturbance and of danger,) as well as in that of monopolies of every kind, (which influence so largely and so unjustly the distribution of property, and excite the discontent and just detestation of every enlightened mind,) and by annihilating (which it would do in time) every sinister and every partial interest, give that peace, and prosperity, and happiness to a people, which would establish the security of property on the only solid and permanent basis, and dissipate for ever all alarms about its safety.

of right from which the two others following (which are therefore secondary) are derived.

Fourth, The voluntary consent of proprietors fully given. Fifth, The voluntary consent of proprietors partially given by majority of their numbers in a joint contribution.

These then are the natural and the only equitable or reasonable grounds of right to vendible property or wealth, or modes of acquiring it consistently with justice; and none can have title to any the smallest portion of such property which is not founded on some one or other of these five grounds or descriptions of right, else they would have a right to the property of other people, that is, a right to what others have a right, which is absurd.

CHAPTER IX.

THE THREE ORIGINAL GROUNDS OF RIGHT TO PROPERTY TRACED TO THEIR FOUNDATION IN THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMAN NATURE.

SECTION I.

OF THE RIGHT TO PROPERTY FOUNDED ON LABOUR.

BEFORE the existence of property in land, when the earth was common to all, like the air we breathe, and when no sort of capital of any consideration had as yet been accumulated, labour, as it was the only available means whereby wealth could be acquired, so it was the single original ground of right to property.

He who first gathered the spontaneous and unappropriated productions of nature-the acorns, which, we may suppose,

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