CHAPTER IV.

OF PRODUCTIVE AND UNPRODUCTIVE LABOUR.

PRODUCTIVE labour is that which is directly employed in the production of wealth or vendible property, and of which the effects remain apparent after the labour itself is past, fixed and realized in some material object or commodity. Such are the labours of the husbandman, the manufacturer, and the merchant, and of all whose industry is necessary in the processes of production, as the term has been explained in the foregoing chapters. Not only those whose industry is confined to mere manual labour, but those also who are employed in superintending and directing that labour;not only the ploughman and gatherer-in of the harvest, but the master-farmer also, who orders their work, and directs and superintends the employment of a stock or capital either of his own or some other person's in the business of agriculture;-not only the shopmen and porters of the merchant, but the merchant himself, with his clerks and assistants, who are equally necessary to the conducting of his business with those who are occupied in the moving or transporting of his goods from one place to another,—as carters, porters, sailors, &c.; and, in one word, all are productive labourers whose industry is useful, necessary, or advantageous, in every office and department of the processes of production.

Unproductive labour is that which is employed, not in the actual production of wealth, but in offices of another description, and of which the effects commonly perish along with it, and are no longer visible after the labour itself is past, or, if permanent and visible, they are not communicated to any object that can be turned to account in the way of sale, or voluntary exchange of equivalent values.

Such is the labour of all the officers and administrators of

government and of the law, public functionaries of every description, ministers of state, judges and officers of justice, clergy, army and navy. Such also is the labour of menial servants, stage-players, &c., and generally of all whose exertion or industry is not immediately subservient to the work of production, but is yet notwithstanding necessarily or usefully employed in ministering to our convenience or well-being; or to our enjoyment in any way of our share of the goods which the other sort of labour has produced.

It will be at once apparent to the reader, from these definitions, that unproductive labour is no less necessary to the existence and production of wealth (wherever it is to be found in any considerable quantity) than productive labour. And not only is it necessary to this end, but to others equally important;-namely, to the security of persons as well as property, to liberty, and even to the very existence of any extensive or civilized society. For it is by unproductive labour that a civilized people are protected in their persons as well as in their properties, and of course that the productive labourer is secured of the fruits of his industry, and allowed to pursue his occupation and objects unmolested. It is by unproductive labour that wealth is secured to the individual possessors or proprietors thereof; that the forcible transfer or violent invasion of it is prevented; and that its equitable distribution is secured agreeably to the only just mode according to which such distribution can take place, viz. by voluntary exchange, by treaty or compact. In short, without the constant vigilance and protecting agency of this class of labourers, rapine would stalk abroad over the land, production would cease, and population fail; industry would be extinguished, and wealth annihilated, or reduced at least and confined to nearly that small and unbought quantity which the earth spontaneously produces.

On the other hand, it is by productive labour that wealth

is gathered together and accumulated, and that the unproductive labourers as well as the whole community are provided with subsistence; and as all men are consumers of wealth, it is abundantly demonstrable, or rather I should say, it is self-evident, that if none were engaged in the work of production, the whole stock which is at any time in the world would be speedily exhausted, and, as in the other case, nothing would remain after a short interval but that comparatively small and inconsiderable quantity which the earth without culture should continue gratuitously to afford.

Productive and unproductive labourers then we see are both necessary, and equally necessary, to the existence of wealth as well as to the existence of society itself, and, where the government is well constituted, they are all equally employed in useful labour,-each in his proper sphere contributing his mite of industry to the necessary and multifarious business of the commonwealth. But it is not therefore to be imagined that this is a useless or unnecessary distinction. On the contrary, it is one of the most important and most necessary in the whole science of political economy, and lies indeed at the foundation of all utility in the objects and application of that science; for, without an intimate acquaintance with this distinction, it is not possible perfectly to comprehend the effects of an undue or unnecessary increase of the unproductive class, or clearly to perceive the injustice and injury of appointing and maintaining a greater number in the department of government, than is required to conduct public affairs in the best manner,

The following brief analysis of unproductive labour will render this more apparent.

Unproductive labour is of two sorts:-First, that which is employed in the administration of public affairs; and, secondly, that which is required in domestic and other occupations and professions by individuals in their private capacity.

Persons engaged in the first sort of unproductive labour are installed into their offices and appointments by a part of society acting for the whole. Those employed in the second are engaged to their work and offices, or appointments, by every individual for himself, that is, by treaty and agreement, conducted, settled, and assented to by both the parties or persons concerned. A few persons appoint all the public functionaries, the ministers of state, judges, officers of justice, army and navy, for the whole community; but every individual engages his own servants, and determines for himself when he shall see a play or other amusement, and calls to his aid the advice and assistance of a physician or a lawyer when he sees fit.

There is no danger therefore to be dreaded that the number of people employed in the second sort of unproductive labour should become over-great or excessive, because it possesses a perfect principle of self-regulation and correction. For the labourers in this sort being all engaged, and their wages, salary, or fees, settled and determined by voluntary consent fully given, no one is obliged to employ or pay. more of them than he pleases; and if it happens that any. body does engage or employ more than he can well afford at one time, he must necessarily confine himself to the use of fewer at another. The numbers and employment therefore of this sort of unproductive labourers is entirely a matter of private prudence and economy; and a superabundance of hands or applicants, in any class or profession in this department, is only felt as an inconvenience to those classes or applicants themselves, but by no means to the rest of the community, or the public in general. The numbers and employment of this sort of unproductive labourers, therefore, belongs not to legislative regulation or interference, nor demands the public attention or solicitude, but may safely be left, and can only be safely confided, to the determination and direction of private judgment and discretion.

But it is not so with the first sort of unproductive labourers above described. Here the regulating principle is not perfect; for the amount of salary or remuneration, as well as the appointment of the labourers in this sort, being determined by a part (and a very small part indeed) of the society acting for the whole, there is the greatest reason imaginable to dread that if the consent and suffrage of the general body, who sustain the charge of those appointments, be not required to control them, or if such consent or suffrage be very imperfectly or partially given or required, both too many will be employed, and they will be paid too much for their labour. This indeed is a result as certain and confidently to be expected as any that can be derived from experience of the principles of human conduct. This department therefore requires the utmost attention and vigilance of the public,-first, in framing with due care the original rules, or fundamental laws of government, according to which those appointments and suffrages are to take place, and afterwards in watching and superintending their practical operation.

It is almost unnecessary to remark, that there is no danger to be apprehended of the numbers of the productive class being increased too much, because in proportion to their numbers, with equal skill in the arts of production, they will only have to labour so much the less, or enjoy the greater plenty. The greater their number, therefore, the better must it be for all those requiring their commodities; that is, for themselves and every body else.

It is obvious to remark, and has been noticed by Dr Smith in treating this subject, that the most honourable as well as the meanest offices and employments belong to the department of unproductive labour,-an observation that imports nothing farther than the recognition of a simple fact in the development of science, and brings neither disgrace to the persons engaged in this, nor honour to those employ