quantities and is available for reproduction or reconstruction of our former experience. What is the nature of this "trace" that is retained? Retention is entirely a matter of association, as already discussed both from the psychological and physiological points of view. From the physiological point of view we call retention a neural disposition (Seashore). One's native retentiveness is perhaps unchangeable. It will now appear clear that all improvement of the memory lies in the line of elaborating the associates of each of the several things to be remembered. No amount of culture would seem capable of modifying a man's general retentiveness. This is a physiological quality, given once and for all with his organization, and which he can never hope to change. It differs no doubt in disease and health; and it is a fact of observation that it is better in fresh and vigorous hours than when we are fagged or ill. We may say, then, that a man's native tenacity will fluctuate somewhat with his hygiene, and that whatever amount of intellectual exercise is bracing to the general tone and nutrition of the brain will also be profitable to the general retentiveness. But more than this we cannot say; and this, it is obvious, is far less than most people believe. When schoolboys improve by practice in ease of learning by heart, the improvement will, I am sure, be always found to reside in the mode of study of the particular piece (due to the greater interest, the greater suggestiveness, the generic similarity with other pieces, the more sustained attention, etc., etc.), and not at all to any enhancement of the brute retentive power (James). The controversy started by this statement of James a generation ago has not yet died down. His statement means that each of us is born with a set brain capacity which cannot be improved by training. And he was right in the same sense that we can say that a farmer buys a certain kind of soil; it may be the richest alluvial soil or it may be the sand of the desert. Suitable cultivation may do wonders with a given soil, but aside from temporary fertilizing, skill in adapting vegetation to the resources of the soil, and the supply of its needs, the original capacity of the soil remains fairly constant in its class. But the superficial critic has said for thirty years: "Behold the fact of phenomenal improvement in retentiveness." The explanation lies in the fact that nature is prolific. Every normal person is born with a brain capacity for memory far beyond what is ever developed. Indeed, it is safe to say that any normal child, or adult beyond middle age, may increase his memory by proper training at least tenfold, and often much more, and still not utilize his capacity to the limit. Such improvement in the use of a given brain capacity is no evidence of improving the capacity; it is nothing but evidence of acquired ability to use the available instrument or capacity. In judging memory we must not confuse native capacity and specialized skill. Most of our exhibitions of unusual memory are specialized skills. Pillsbury, the chess player, blindfolded, played simultaneously fourteen games of chess, two games of whist, and two games of checkers, and carried on a running conversation, while usually winning the games. It seemed to be easy for him and gave witnesses a feeling of uncanny weirdness; yet Pillsbury had only an ordinary memory in other respects. He had used his inborn capacity to most excellent advantage by developing a specific skill for which he had natural aptitude and in which he displayed indefatigable patience. Memory is not a single faculty or capacity; it is several capacities, each with definite aspects, and may be developed into countless varieties of ability and skill. 16. How Does Attitude Affect Immediate and Delayed Reproduction? [PETERSON, Joseph, "The Effect of Attitude on Immediate and Delayed Reproduction: A Class Experiment,” Journal of Educational Psychology, 1916, Vol. 7, pp. 523-532. Reprinted by the courtesy of the author.] To make more real to the student the significance of this determination to learn, as well as to afford him direct introspective experience with the difference between the active and the more passive attitude, the following experiment was carried out with two groups of college students. . . What difference will it make in later reproduction whether a person knows or does not know while reading a list of words that he will be asked to reproduce the words? This in brief was our problem.. Two lists of common words were taken from Simpson, The Correlation of Mental Abilities, page 114, for the experiment. There were twenty words in each list, and the two lists were thought to be of approximately equal difficulty. . . . When the class was assembled and the students had been provided with paper, the experimenter instructed them as follows: "I am going to write on the board a list of twenty words which each of you will kindly copy on the left margin of his sheet as I write them. Let us do this as soon as possible so that we can use the words in an experiment." As soon as the words were written the experimenter read them over once while each student checked his own list "to see that all the words were written correctly." Without any delay the students were then asked to fold over the left side of the paper so that the words could not be seen, the instructor illustrating how this was to be done. They did not yet know the purpose of the experiment. Now each was asked to write in another column near the concealed one, in any order, all the words of the list that he could recall. not called until about a minute after all had ceased writing. The experimenter then reread the list of words, asking each student to check carefully every word of the original list that occurred in his reproduced column, and to record the number. Time was The experiment was then repeated with a new list of twenty words and with this variation in procedure: the students were told that in the second case a reproduction would be called for as was done in the first, and each was encouraged to do as well as possible. To make this encouragement effective the students were informed that each one would be given his relative rank on this exercise. Conditions of time and of emphasis on the three kinds of impression-visual, auditory, and motor-tactual --were kept as nearly constant in both cases as possible. The experiment was carried out in the manner just described in two different sections of the same course in psychology, the one section meeting at eight o'clock and the other at nine. The students of the first section were asked to be careful not to reveal the nature or purpose of the experiment to those of the second. The details of the procedure in both of these sections were precisely alike, except that the series of words used were given in reverse order, so that the series used in the eight o'clock section "without determination," or without knowledge as to purpose (called the passive series), was used in the nine o'clock section "with determination," or with knowledge as to purpose (i.e., used as the active series). This reversal of order of the series of words used was intended to make up in a measure for the lack of standardization of the words. . . . After the experiment as just described had been carried out the papers were all collected and no intimation was made as to any further tests of the kind. It was, however, intended by the instructor to find the effect of the more active attitude on delayed reproduction. Accordingly, two days later, or precisely forty-eight hours after the first impression, the students were again asked to write down all the words of either list that they could recall. From these tables [not reproduced here] it will be noted that in Section I, 75 per cent of the students made a better record with than without determination in immediate reproduction, and 82 per cent of the students made a better record with determination in the delayed reproduction. In Section II the corresponding percentages are 83 and 97, respectively. Comparing the total words reproduced by each of the two sections we find that In Section I Immediate reproduction with determination was 14.8 per cent better than without determination. Delayed reproduction with determination was 48.4 per cent better than without determination. In Section II Immediate reproduction with determination was 30.0 per cent better than without determination. Delayed reproduction with determination was 51 per cent better than without determination. 17. Recall The laws of recall are essentially the laws of association. They are brought into focus when they fail to function. If one cannot recall a familiar name, either no association has been formed between the idea in mind and the idea desired, or the mental attitude or set at the moment is wrong for arousing the right association. Certain and accurate recall depends upon the method of learning as well as the attitude at the moment of recall. The best rule for insuring reasonable efficiency in recall is that new facts should be learned in connection with all possible situations that may require application. The value of facts, other things equal, may be said to increase with the number of connections it makes. A fact usable in one situation is less valuable than the same fact when connected with several situations. The teacher can assist the pupil in making valuable connections by having him think of the various uses the new fact may have, or by applying it. The principle is, other things equal, facts will be recalled more surely and definitely, if the learner has had them sufficiently impressed and especially if he has applied them. A correct attitude toward the situation when it presents itself will tend to facilitate recall. Recall depends first upon having the material; then upon having the knowledge associated with an idea or object present when that item of knowledge is needed; and, finally, upon being in a suitable attitude toward the situation. 18. Cramming Cramming is a term used to denote the acquisition of knowledge, information, habits, skills, etc., by the method of accumulated repetitions. Material that is learned by cramming can be recalled fairly well within a short time after the learning. It does not leave as permanent an impression, as work learned by distributing repetitions over several weeks or months. Frequent reviews are very essential to permanent retention. Distributed repetitions make it possible to relate or associate material learned with many different facts and thus increase the number of situations that will arouse it. Furthermore the definite intention to learn for a definite occasion seems to make it easier to forget the material when the occasion is past. Lasting knowledge that will be serviceable when needed much later demands the faithful performance of the work day by day and frequent reviews. Cramming is justifiable on many occasions. The lawyer, for example, may need to cram on figures in connection with a given case. When the case is dismissed, there is no further need of that particular information on his part. It is sufficient to know where the information can be found. To be able to forget the figures that had been learned by cramming when no further need exists for their retention is an asset. 19. General Principles versus Particular Facts [PILLSBURY, W. B., Essentials of Psychology, p. 226. Copyright, 1915, by the Macmillan Co.] (Adapted.) Studies made of forgetting show that general ideas and those earliest acquired are always the last to be forgotten in |