tween the two countries without dishonor. Let the patriotism of other countries continue, but they should not rest content until they had the patriotism of the whole Englishspeaking race.

Nothing need be added to what has been already said to show that the welcome of the American visitors was hearty and sincere. Each year the bonds between the two peoples grow stronger, and they are not vain dreamers who look forward to a closer relationship than now exists between the two countries, a coalition that shall promote peace and strive for the liberty of mankind. D. E. F.

THE ANTI-SALOON LEAGUE: ITS OBJECT

THE

AND ACCOMPLISHMENT

BY GEORGE H. JOHNSON, SC. D.

HE Anti-Saloon League is an organization including national, State, and local bodies of that name, which continually seek to inform the public regarding the effects of the liquor traffic and so educate public sentiment on the subject, to promote legislation restricting such traffic, to hold the balance of power at nominating conventions and elections to the same end, and to assist executive officers when elected to enforce all laws for the restriction of the liquor traffic. The League is opposed to saloons on general principles, but it is not a total abstinence society. Although most of the officers and members of the League are doubtless total abstainers from the use of intoxicating liquors as a beverage, yet a man may be an habitual consumer of such drinks and still be a valuable member of the League.

The Anti-Saloon League is omni-partisan, undenominational, and broad enough to include all who recognize saloons, as they exist, to be a strongly intrenched evil-the restriction of which is necessary for the abatement of crime and pauperism, the protection of society, the purity of our homes, and the honesty of any government by the people. Those who hold this view must see the necessity of organized, continuous efforts to enable them to give efficient moral and political support to those conscientious legislators and executive officers who are doing their best to restrain this great evil in spite of the strongly organized opposition of all who are interested in the traffic.

There were more than enough political parties and denominational and temperance societies in the field before the organization of the Anti-Saloon League. The raison d'être of the League is fundamentally the same as for the federation of churches and the charity organization societies. Instead of duplicating, they consolidate; instead of dividing forces, they unite them. If they served nothing more than a clearing-house function, their existence would be amply justified; but such societies generally do vastly more than this; they carry on active constructive work which it would be practically impossible for the smaller societies to do separately.

The Anti-Saloon League, whose early history will be presently outlined, began its national organization in Washington, D. C., December, 1895, with about forty affiliated bodies, and it now federates about two hundred and twentyfive, including the Methodist Episcopal, Presbyterian, Congregational, Baptist, United Presbyterian, and other great church bodies, and the Good Templars, Sons of Temperance, and other strong national temperance societies. Its president is the Hon. Hiram Price, of Iowa, former Congressman and Indian Commissioner. Its general superintendent and active field executive is the Rev. Dr. Howard H. Russell, of Ohio. Its legislative superintendent is the Rev. Edwin C. Dinwiddie, who has been connected with the movement from its beginning. The headquarters of the American League are in the Bliss Building, near the Capitol, Washington. The ultimate aim of the League is expressed in the motto, "The Saloon Must Go." The method of the League is expressed in the motto, "Emphasizing points on which we agree, and avoiding subjects on which we differ, we push forward in solid phalanx and with united front against the Rum Power."

On these broad propositions, which must commend themselves to nearly all good citizens as well as to students of sociology, men of very diverse views can stand united in

their efforts to restrict a dangerous traffic. The Prohibitionist, who believes with Senator Morrell that the liquor traffic is "the gigantic crime of crimes," may stand side by side with the club-man and the society lady who have wines on their tables but do not want a common groggery on their own block. The Prohibitionist, standing on his own platform calling for the entire prohibition of the liquor traffic by Federal and State statutes enacted by legislators and enforced by executive officers elected by a political party created expressly for that purpose, is a very lonely individual. He is a monument of conscientious conviction. But on the platform of the Anti-Saloon League he finds himself surrounded by a great multitude-including most of his friends and neighbors who hold the most diverse views on other subjects, but fully agree in not wanting a saloon near their own homes, churches, and schools-a common resort which, if unrestricted, would be wide open for twenty-four hours a day seven days in the week. People generally unite enough expediency with altruistic selfishness to be glad to assist others in driving from their midst a public nuisance and menace in return for similar service received from them.

The third-party Prohibitionist is grand and monumental in his fidelity to a supreme purpose. He commands our admiration at the same time that he elicits our commiseration for the uselessness of his efforts in the achievement of direct results. But probably for every voter in the Prohibition party there are a dozen other voters who favor local option and approve of the restriction of the liquor traffic so far as that is practicable, and who would be glad to support any such movement which does not interfere with their own political party and other subjects in which they are interested. Unlike the Prohibitionist, they do not make the suppression of the liquor traffic their supreme political purpose. It is to them simply one of many important social problems, and the one very likely in which they see the least prospect

of progress or reform. When they are shown a practicable method of achieving important results in this direction without sacrificing anything else, and their co-operation is earnestly invited to this end, they will cordially give their support. To this large number of citizens in sympathy with the League's immediate object must be added many others who do not favor the prohibition of the liquor traffic, but who do believe in the enforcement of law and order, and hence will support a society which is doing efficient work to restrict or close those saloons which are lawless and disreputable. Such, then, is the constituency of the AntiSaloon League.

The article on the Prohibition Party in the April number of THE ANGLO-AMERICAN MAGAZINE showed that in spite of the tremendous handicaps of that party it has repeatedly held the balance of power in presidential elections, and doubtless the same has been true untold times in State and local elections. The above considerations lead to the conclusion that the Anti-Saloon League might naturally expect a constituency fifteen or twenty times as large as that of the Prohibition party-so large, in fact, that it would in many places have a majority of the voters. Such is the conclusion reached from á priori considerations. Now we will look at the actual facts as shown in the short history of the League.

A State Anti-Saloon League was organized in Oberlin, Ohio, that mother of so many good things, September 3, 1893, and last year it actually had in the State Legislature a majority of eighteen members who owed their election to the League, and were pledged to support its measures. This is simply an indication of what may be accomplished in other States where the League has been since organized.

The genesis and growth of the League may be briefly stated. About ten years ago it became evident to Rev. Howard H. Russell, LL. D., then pastor of the Armour Mission, Chicago, who had previously been very active in