CHAPTER XLIII. THE CONSULATE AND EMPIRE. 1800-1814. CHAP. No better pretext or excuse for getting rid of the XLIII. Directory and suspending the Councils need have been given than that they left unfulfilled the first duties of government. The representative body had discovered this failure on the part of the Directors, and had sought to remedy it on the 30th Prairial by renewing the members of the government, and taking political management into its own hands. The result was all the same. Scarcely any revenue reached the treasury, so that the most necessary officers of the administration received no salary; whilst the armies were left to starve, or to try to escape starvation by mutiny or by begging. The attempts, in fact, to govern France as a republic had completely failed. No matter what the form of constitution, the politicians put forward by the popular choice were unable to work it. After a few weeks' trial the machine stopped, and its parts fell asunder. The country was too rustic, its interests and ideas too divergent, for provinces and capital to hold together of themselves. And as in the olden time the only link to bind them was the absolute power of the king, so under the republic the only power that could suffice to hold together * Thiers. the scattered members of France was that acme of tyranny called the Terror. When the Thermidorians and the Directory tried to govern without that, their efforts were as feeble and as futile as those of Louis the Sixteenth. They could no more raise a revenue to meet the exigencies of the state than he. And the disjointed absolutism of the old monarchy did not call more loudly or more effectually for the Revolution of 1789, than the effete republic of 1799 called for and obtained a military dictator. When the three members of the consular commission, Bonaparte, Siéyes, and Roger Ducos, met in the council-room of the Luxemburg on the 20th Brumaire, (11th November), Ducos was the first to break silence, which he did by telling the general to take the chair. Money was the first question. The Directors had a secret caisse, or fund for emergencies. It contained scarcely 300,000 francs, and to the demand of Siéyes, what was to be done with this, Bonaparte replied, "Divide it between you, and set it down to the account of the expenses of the 18th Brumaire!"* A more important question was how to pay the armies when 100 livres 5 per cent. were offered at the Bourse, and not taken for eight livres! Siéyes recommended Gaudin to manage the finances. the finances. He had offered this humble clerk the place of finance minister six months before. Gaudin would have none of it. "If "If you do not accept," said Siéyes, "Robert Lindet will be appointed, and you know he is utterly incapable." "He will but the better suit the government," thought Gaudin, who persisted in refusing. But when now told that General Bonaparte had taken in hand the reins of the state, he accepted. † The first measure of the new finance minister was to annul the forced loan, and to add per cent. to the * Memorial de Ste. Hélene, Thibaudeau, and Gohier. † Mémoires du Duc de Gaëte. CHAP. XLIII. CHAP. direct taxes, half of which were to be paid in coin. On the strength of this 12,000,000 livres were borrowed. The Directory had met the necessary expenses from day to day, by giving orders or delegations upon the returns in coin which came into the provincial or metropolitan treasuries. Gaudin suspended such payments, and when the holders applied to him, he compelled them to advance each an amount equal to their claims, in return for an order engaging definite payment of both. He thus obtained 50,000,000 livres.* The same rule was extended. The receivers-general were obliged to pay again their securities in money, and to sign bills at fixed epochs for the coming revenue. All this was highhanded, and severe especially to those who dealt with or were employed by the government. But they and capitalists in general began to have faith in its capacity and resources, and consented to make sacrifices to maintain its favour. At the same time, government assumed more direct power to ascertain, distribute, and enforce throughout the provinces the quota and payment of the direct taxes.† If the abrogation of the forced loan restored confidence to the rich, that of the cruel law of hostages served to pacify the royalists, and to quench the rising insurrection in La Vendée. The relatives of nobles seized and imprisoned, as well as the unfortunate priests and émigrés whom the Directory had incarcerated, were set at liberty. Those transported in Fructidor were allowed to return. The churches were restored to the clergy, on condition of their promising obedience to the consti *Mémoires du Duc de Gaëte. in that time. The sale of national property produced three millions and a half. Calmon (Finances de l'Empire) calculates that about one milliard taxes and one milliard loan were raised each of these years. The issue of assignats was four milliards and three-quarters nominal. tution. It was bold to show this spirit of clemency and fairness to the aristocracy and priesthood, whilst ordaining the déportation of thirty-seven members of the democratic party, opposed to the late revolution, and the confinement at La Rochelle of twenty-eight more. This, to be sure, was but a threat, uttered too in answer to threats from the republicans, to hoist their flag in opposition to the consulate.* Strange to say, they fixed on Toulouse, the headquarters of every sanguinary fanaticism, as the place of their assembly. But their menaces evaporated, and so did that of the new government. Republicans and royalists both submitted, the latter with the vain hope of finding in the new ruler a Monk for the restoration of the legitimate monarchy. When the three consuls first met, and when, Bonaparte taking the chair, the two others took the money, it was plain who was to be the master. Still Siéyes was left to produce his model constitution. No one more fully concentrated in himself the experience of the Revolution. It had left no basis of power save the sovereign choice of the people. This, however, was a wild beast, which it was requisite to muzzle. Siéyes managed on this wise. The men of each district were called to elect one-tenth of their number, out of which all municipal councillors were to be chosen. These district colleges in every department were again to elect one-tenth, which was to furnish departmental authorities; and these again a third list of one-tenth, out of which all higher functionaries were to be taken. The two former categories Siéyes prepared to leave altogether to election. But it was settled that all higher functionaries were to be chosen by the Senate, with the On the list of déportés was Jourdan. General Bonaparte addressed to him a most conciliatory letter on the 24th of November. He must have sent a rude answer; for on the 25th his name was in the second category, then ordered to СНАР. XLIII. CHAP. exception of ministers, military officers, ambassadors, councillors of state, upper judges, and members of local administration. There was to be a legislative body of 300 members, elected by the Senate, and comprising at least one citizen of each department. Their sole duty was to pass and promulgate laws, which a tribunate of 100 members were previously to discuss. It will not surprise an English reader to be told, that these pale ghosts of representative assemblies were not destined long to move or to live. But by their side was placed an assembly of councillors of state, which did and does still live. The system that was founded in 1799, and soon grew into the empire, was, in fact, that of absolute rule, with a functionary aristocracy. The Council of State was the House of Peers of that aristocracy. To it all veteran officials were promoted. To it was entrusted the real work of legislation, and a great portion of jurisdiction. For it came to be ruled that no functionary could be accused without the permission of that council, which meant to say, otherwise than before it. There remained but to constitute the executive. Siéyes proposed a grand elector, who was to choose a war consul and a peace one-in fact, two ministers. Who was to be the grand elector? Siéyes had thought on himself, but durst not propose it. Bonaparte presumed such office as intended for him, and declined at once, observing, "Do you take me for a pig to be fattened?" He soon set aside the grand electorate, made himself first consul, lord of peace as well as war, for ten years, with two shadows, called second and third consuls, with consultative powers. Cambacérés and Lebrun aptly filled these subordinate places. Bonaparte, as first consul, endowed with full regal authority, took up his abode at the Tuileries. He had, even when general, assumed the superiority of more than military rank, keeping his aides-de-camp and generals at a |