factory. The aims and fortunes of the future Emperor CHAP were, in fact, still under a cloud. Yet it was hard to expect of the government of a disturbed country like France to initiate or accomplish anything great. Lamartine and Bastide felt, as LouisPhilippe had done, that revolutionary France ran the risk of seeing a coalition form against it. The efforts to avoid this by conciliation and prudence were, like those of the government of 1830, inglorious. And when at last, at the express demand of the Pope, an expedition to Rome was despatched, it was really purposed to anticipate Austria in taking the same ground, but apparently it was nothing other than a war against liberalism in Italy. That long enslaved and disturbed country was the last in the world, perhaps, in which a juste milieu policy or party could succeed. Between democratic frenzy on one side, princely and priestly prejudice on the other, there was really no medium. Successive French governments had, however, hoped to find that middle point. They even had based a government upon it for Rome in the person of Count Rossi. The ministers of the President and the President himself were impressed with the same hope and the same opinion. as their predecessors. They had kept at Rome M. d'Harcourt, the same envoy that had been appointed by Louis-Philippe, and he continued to assure them of the existence of a strong moderate Liberal party, upon which the French might count both to aid them and to establish a government of the same nature, on the rout of the wild democratic party led by Mazzini and Garibaldi. To put down the republic at Rome, as it had been put down in Paris, seemed a praiseworthy deed to the government of the Élysée, the more praiseworthy as, instead of being a defiance to the monarchic powers of Europe, it showed on the part of the new French government a coincidence and sympathy with their conservative policy. When the first expeditionary corps had been prepared XLVIII. CHAP. by General Cavaignac, but before it had sailed, the news XLVIII arrived of the Pope's flight, and, of course, of the increased difficulties of the situation. Still it was persisted in, and the force doubled. Such was the ambiguity of language on the part of the French that the Roman insurgents at first were led to hope that the invaders were their friends. They were soon undeceived. General Oudinot advanced upon Rome, expecting a rising of the Moderates. Instead of what they expected, they were met on approaching the walls by discharges of grape, which was followed by a sortie of Garibaldi's legion. The result was on the 30th of April a somewhat disgraceful retreat, and a small loss of wounded and prisoners on the part of the French. General Oudinot withdrew to Civita Vecchia, there to await reinforcements. Whilst these were preparing, M. Lesseps was sent to renew negotiations, and induce the Romans to submit. M. Barrot, the presiding minister, deprecated the French government's assuming the attitude of downright hostility to Italian liberalism, and of crushing the Roman republic, badly as it might have behaved, vi et armis. M. Lesseps could only accomplish this by an agreement with the Roman Triumvirate, by which the French troops should approach, but not enter, the walls of Rome, the citizens being then called upon to decide as to what form of government they would have, Pope or Republic. This armistice, concluded towards the end of May, was displeasing and indeed humiliating to the French government. And General Oudinot, having received reinforcements, was enjoined to march and force his way into Rome. He proceeded to execute this order, but with due caution. He was obliged to occupy the heights outside the city, and make regular approaches to the walls, although Rome was anything but regularly fortified. It was indeed de Lesseps' Mission to Rome. fended with such ability and spirit by Garibaldi that General Oudinot took a month to force his way, Garibaldi and Mazzini withdrawing from it with the remains of the Republican government. These events goaded French Republicans, or at least the really zealous amongst them, to madness. The elections for the Legislative Assembly which had taken place in May, marked the path in which public opinion was moving, that is, in favour of the Monarchist on one side, the Socialist on the other. Neither Lamartine, nor Marrast, nor Garnier Pagès were members, whilst Bugeaud, Changarnier, Lamoricière were returned. By the side of these Conservative generals came to sit several Democratic sergeants, such as Boichot und Rattier. Finding the Assembly grow more Monarchic, the ministry became modified in the same sense. Léon Faucher gave way to Dufaure; Tocqueville took foreign affairs. It required courage in the two men to take the helm at such a moment. Europe was in flames. The Italian Republic was still triumphant in Rome, although the north of Italy had already succumbed to Radetzky. Reaction was gaining ground in the kingdom of Naples, whilst the issue of the Hungarian insurrection seemed doubtful, raising hopes that Austria could not surmount all its difficulties, and that popular passions and interests would triumph over its fall. At home the Republican Socialists were most active. They had formed a society and a committee to manage the elections, and, the elections over, the organisation was continued with a view to an imminent insurrection. There was no other hope. The Monarchists had obtained the majority in the Chamber. The President leaned to them. His foreign policy denoted what his home policy would be. The name of his ministers bespoke both. Such was the position and feeling of the Montagne, as the Socialist Republican party were called, when the news arrived of General Oudinot's hostilities CHAP. XLVIII. XLVIII. CHAP against the Republican party at Rome, and the employ of French bayonets in the service of the Pope. At these tidings the impatience of such Anarchists as remained in Paris, after the rout and deportation of June, became inexpressible. They met in their secret clubs, and decided upon an insurrection, which indeed LedruRollin almost openly announced in the Chamber, whilst proposing an act of accusation against the President and the government. The previous Assembly had decreed that the expedition to Rome should not be converted into an anti-Republican movement. The present Assembly and government took no notice of this injunction, its majority considering such motions as those of LedruRollin illusory. The alternative of émeute in the streets was equally so. The reverses of June still haunted the workmen's quarter of the Faubourg St. Antoine. The foremost leaders of those days had been expatriated. And a new generation of workmen from the country had in a great measure replaced the old. These did not preserve any revolutionary abhorrence of the President. Accordingly, when the men of the Socialist clubs marched on the 13th of June in procession up the Boulevards, they were far from agglomerating the old important mass, whilst the rabble seemed altogether cured of their mania of throwing up barricades. The popular column marched from the Boulevard St. Martin to that of the Italians. M. Stephen Arago was at its head, and, by a singular chance, the first person it encountered was M. Lacrosse, minister of commerce, on horseback. He was surrounded, hustled, forced to cry, Vive la République romaine, and threatened with a hundred deaths. From this he was saved, however, by the interposition of a colleague, Gent, a member of the Montagne in the Chamber, who, at the risk of his own life, defended Lacrosse, and procured him the time to escape. The insurrectionary procession had, however, soon occasion to defend itself. General Changarnier XLVIII. issued from the Rue Richelieu, as it passed that street, СНАР. and sent his dragoons right and left along the boulevard. at a gallop. The greater part of the Socialists withdrew, and were pursued towards the Boulevard St. Denis. In former times, the fugitives would have immediately proceeded to throw up barricades, and to form of the central and intricate streets of Paris a fortified labyrinth. Nothing of the kind was now attempted. And yet it was upon this that the chiefs counted. They were assembled at the Cercle de la Montagne, Rue du Hazard, at the moment of the conflict, but thought proper to decamp from a neighbourhood already occupied by the troops of Changarnier. They betook themselves to the Conservatoire des Arts et Métiers, now opened by squares and boulevards, then in the centre of narrow streets. They were accompanied and escorted thither by a battalion of the National Guard, commanded by Guinard. The chiefs then assembled at the Arts et Métiers did not propose resistance, for they dissuaded some of the people, who sought to throw up barricades. Still a kind of barrier was formed of some carts. When the troops and the National Guard arrived, General Cavaignac, whom they met, took the command; the would-be barricades were overcome, and the would-be defenders dispersed by a discharge of musketry. The troops then penetrated into the Arts et Métiers, from which the greater number of Montagnards, they could scarcely be called insurgents, made their escape. Messrs. Ledru-Rollin, Considérant, and Martin Bernard were nearly caught. Some National Guards pressed them to a wall, the bayonets to their breasts, but, whether knowing or ignorant of their condition, they allowed them to escape. This was effected with difficulty, but in some days after Ledru-Rollin and his chief companions found themselves safe on the English side of the Channel. This last and most futile of the popular |