XLVIII. CHAP. all of those guards should be alike and wear the same uniform. This suppressed the flank companies of the grenadiers and voltigeurs. As these had each paid a good sum for their bearskin caps and other accoutrements, they objected. It was, however, useless to object in those days unless one could bully too. And so the grenadiers and voltigeurs determined to go in procession to the Hôtel de Ville, and compel Ledru-Rollin to rescind his decree. They resolved to go unarmed. They did so on the 16th. But they, whilst disarmed, were met by an armed people, and such force as the government could collect. The procession of the flank companies, though they numbered 25,000, was thus powerless even to reach the council of government, much less influence it. In the sitting of that government, a great discussion took place. The circulars of Ledru-Rollin were discussed, and the necessity of modifying or contradicting them. Ledru-Rollin could not deny their imprudence, and accordingly, as the result of the discussion, a proclamation was issued, promising a free and uncontrolled election, and the abstinence, instead of the interference and direction, of the government, at such a critical period.* The appearance of the proclamation spoke sufficiently that the Socialist and Terrorist party in the government had been overruled. The clubs determined to reverse this. The procession of the bearskin caps gave them the pretext. And on the following day, the members and friends of the clubs mustered in the Place de la Concorde, for the purpose of making a more serious demonstration. They numbered upwards of 100,000 men in columns on the Boulevards, some hundreds of the most determined and acknowledged leaders of the clubs taking the post of the advanced guard. Thus marshalled, they set forth, and reached the Hôtel de Ville about mid-day. * Garnier Pagès; proclamation in the public prints. XLVIII. This bold project of coercing the government, and CHAP. purging it of its moderate members, failed, owing to the personal rivalry and fierce dissensions of the anarchists. The most ferocious of them was Blanqui. A number of documents and papers found in the Tuileries and in ministerial offices, betraying the intrigues or the turpitude of the late government, had been given to M. Taschereau to publish successively in a periodical called the Revue retrospective. From some of these it appeared that the corruption of the time was not confined to functionaries or parliamentarians. For several reports were found of the proceedings of the secret societies. Those communicated by De la Hodde were discovered by Caussidière in the archives of the police. Another paper disclosed the whole plan and machinery of the conspiracy of May 1839. When it was published, Barbès declared that no one but Blanqui could have written it. The character of the latter was in consequence impugned, although his followers and club refused to credit the accusation. Barbès and others became decided enemies of Blanqui, and Blanqui himself a sworn foe of Ledru-Rollin. In consequence of this dissension, when the leading clubbists sought to persuade Ledru-Rollin on the day previous to the insurrection to assent to their plan of epurating the government, he altogether objected to being coupled with Blanqui. They persisted; and Ledru, repudiating them, hastened to Lamartine, confessed to him the entire conspiracy and the plan of getting rid especially of him, Lamartine. "To defeat the plot," observed Lamartine, "you have but to order the rappel to be beaten for the mustering of the National Guards."* Ledru gave the order, and whilst the one force was thus summoned to the Hôtel de Ville, Lamartine himself went to the quarters of the garde mobile, and secured their battalions. Thus, when the multitude of 100,000, headed by 1,000 of * Lamartine's Hist., Garnier Pagès, Louis Blanc, &c. XLVIII. CHAP. the clubbists, reached the Hôtel de Ville, they found it occupied in force by the two guards. A delegation of the insurgents was alone permitted to present itself to the Provisional Government, when Lamartine, Marrast, and Garnier Pagès boldly rejected their demands for the adjournment of the elections, the dismissal of the troops, and the concomitant measures. Ledru abetted them; and even Louis Blanc and Albert were obliged to resist and blame the imperious tone of the petitioners. These, through their spokesman, Blanqui, were most insolent. But Barbès, who commanded one of the legions of the National Guards, and whom Lamartine had been instrumental in saving when formerly condemned to death, was present to correct and contradict the insolence of Blanqui. And this, joined to his disgust of Blanqui, rendered Barbès a powerful auxiliary of the Provisional Government on this critical day. Thus was the Socialist and Terrorist émeute defeated, and the existence of the Provisional Government secured and prolonged till the meeting of the Assembly.* Although the moderate party of the government had triumphed, it was more ready to ask pardon than exult. A proclamation declared clubs to be one of the neces sities of the Republic; it merely entreated them not to debate or come forth in arms. Decrees at the same time were issued to conciliate the people and the professional class, or the most needy and ambitious of both. The octroi on provisions was declared to be abolished, as well as the duty on salt. The judges were declared removable. Notwithstanding these acts in common, the Provisional Government was deeply divided, the Moderates desiring candidates of their opinion, the Socialists repudiating every one not entertaining the peculiar views then held by the artisans. * Louis Blanc's Pages; Garnier Pagès, Histoire; Regnault, Histoire du Gouvernement provisionnel; Marrast's evidence before the Commission d'Enquête; Lamartine; Caussidière, Mémoires, &c. XLVIII. Louis Blanc formed a committee of six of those handi- CHAP. craftsmen to sift the candidates for election in the capital; and their horny hands, as Cobbett would say, rejected all but Socialists. Nevertheless, the moderates of the Provisional Government were elected by most votes. LedruRollin, Louis Blanc, and Flocon had not half the number. Lamennais was last on the list, Lamartine first. But there being thirty-four members for the department of the Seine, the chiefs of all parties were elected. The Protestant pastor Coquerel sate by the side of Lamoricière. Cavaignac and Caussidière were both chosen. The great number of members, indeed, greatly favoured the endeavours of the members of the old parties to be re-elected. The vote being by canton and scrutin de liste, the peasants could scarcely know more than one or two names of the list they were persuaded to give in. But the town electors sufficed. to return the notabilities of all opinions. Thus the Assembly offered a fair field for the discussion and final decision of which of them should predominate. On the 4th of May the new Assembly met in a wooden building erected in the court of the Palais Bourbon. The old Chamber could not have held the 900. There were, however, scarcely more than 600 present. They began by the act of proclaiming the Republic from the steps and colonnade of the palace, which confessed that the Provisional Government had not power to accomplish such an act. The first duty, indeed, which devolved on the Assembly was to appoint a new government. Should it be a continuance of that already in existence, or should the Assembly, like the Convention, take the administration into his own hands, forming committees for the purpose? The opinion of the majority of the Assembly was, there is little doubt, at present in favour of entrusting the government to Lamartine, either as parliamentary president or president of the executive. Those, however, who origi XLVIII. CHAP. nated this, and who proposed it, were Republicans indeed in profession, but Monarchists at heart. By accepting this offer, Lamartine must have broken not only with the extreme but with the moderate Republicans, that is, in fact, with all his colleagues of the Provisional Government. The majority might have compounded with his maintenance of such Republicans as Dupont and Arago, but his attachment to LedruRollin they could not stomach. The truth was that, on the occasion of the 17th of April, and in face of the clubbist insurrection, Ledru-Rollin had deserted his Red-Republican associates, flung himself into the arms of Lamartine, and by so doing saved the government. Lamartine was grateful. He felt bound by that act to remain equally true to Ledru. He thus sacrificed himself and his influence to an honourable feeling. Lamartine openly declared his trust in Ledru-Rollin, and fraternised with him; and the Conservatives of the Assembly instantly fell off. They agreed to appoint an executive of nine. Both Lamartine and Ledru were named upon it, but they had the lowest number of votes and came fourth and fifth, Arago, Garnier Pagès, and Marie being named before them.* As the members of the executive were considered sovereigns, not ministers, it was necessary to make a new appointment of these. Lamartine ceded the foreign affairs to M. Bastide. He and Ledru both wished to give the home department to Jules Favre, who had the principal hand in separating Ledru from the anarchists, and rallying him to Lamartine, but Arago objected, and the home department fell to Recurs. Flocon was minister of commerce and agriculture; Carnot remained at the head of public instruction; Duclerc at that of finance; Marrast remained mayor of Paris, and Caussidière kept the police. Thus the choice which the executive * Arago had 725 votes; Lamartine, 643; Ledru-Rollin, 458. |