and

live without incumbrance; but boys and girls were hastening to church, without a thought of the morrow, rearing new broods of paupers, to be maintained by the overseer. Who can wonder that laborers were rapidly sinking into pauperism, without pride or self-respect? But the evil did not even rest here. Paupers were actually driving other laborers out of employment, that labor being preferred which was partly paid out of rates, to which employers were forced to contribute. As the cost of pauperism, thus encouraged, was increasing, the poorer ratepayers were themselves reduced to poverty. The soil was ill-cultivated by pauper labor, and its rental consumed by parish rates. In a period of fifty years, the poor-rates were quadrupled; and had reached, in 1833, the enormous amount of 8,600,000%. In many parishes they were approaching the annual value of the land itself.

The new poor-law, 1834.

Such evils as these demanded a bold and thorough remedy; and the recommendations of a masterly commission of inquiry were accepted by the first reformed Parliament in 1834, as the basis of a new poor law. The principle was that of the Act of Elizabeth, to confine relief to destitution; and its object, to distinguish between want and imposture. This test was to be found in the work house. Hitherto pauperism had been generally relieved at home, the parish workhouse being the refuge for the aged, for orphans, and others, whom it suited better than out-door relief. Now out-door relief was to be withdrawn altogether from the able-bodied, whose wants were to be tested by their willingness to enter the workhouse. This experiment had already been successfully tried in a few well-ordered parishes, and was now generally adopted. But instead of continuing ill-regulated parish workhouses, several parishes were united, and union workhouses established, common to them all. The local administration of the poor was placed under elected boards of guardians; and its general superintendence under a

central board of commissioners in London. A change so sudden in all the habits of the laboring classes, could not be introduced without discontents and misconception. Some of the provisions of the new law were afterwards partially relaxed; but its main principles were carried into successful operation. Within three years the annual expenditure for the relief of the poor was reduced to the extent of three millions. The plague of pauperism was stayed; and the English peasantry rescued from irretrievable corruption. The full benefits of the new poor law have not yet been realized; but a generation of laborers has already grown up in independence and self-respect; and the education. and industrial training of children in the workhouses have elevated a helpless class, formerly neglected and demoralized.1

While England had been threatened with ruin, from a reckless encouragement of pauperism, the law of Poor-laws Scotland had made no adequate provision for the of Scotland. support of the destitute poor. This error, scarcely more defensible, was corrected in 1845. But worst of Of Ireland. all was the case of Ireland, where there was absolutely no legal provision for the destitute. The wants of the peasantry were appalling: two millions and a half were subsisting, for a part of every year, on charity. The poor man shared his meal with his poorer neighbor; and everywhere the vagrant found a home. To approach so vast a mass of destitution, and so peculiar a condition of society, was a hazardous experiment. Could property bear the burden of providing for such multitudes? Could the ordinary machinery of poor-law administration safely deal with them? The experiment was tried in 1838, not without serious misgivings, and it succeeded. The burden, indeed, was

1 Extracts of information collected, 1833; Report of Commissioners of Inquiry, 1834; Debates in Lords and Commons, April 17th and July 21st, 1834; Nicholls' Hist. of the Poor Law, &c.

2 3d Report of Commissioners on the Poorer Classes in Ireland, 1836, p. 25, &c.

1

often ruinous to the land, and the workhouse was peculiarly repugnant to the Irish peasantry; but the operation of the new law was facilitated by the fearful famine of 1846, and has since contributed, with other causes, to the advancing prosperity of Ireland. The poor-law legislation of this period was conceived in a spirit of enlightened charity: it saved England from pauperism, and the poor of Scotland and Ireland from destitution.

The same beneficence has marked recent legislation for the Lunatics. care of lunatics. Within the wide range of human suffering, no affliction so much claims pity and protection as insanity. Rich and poor are stricken alike; and both are equally defenceless. Treated with care and tenderness, it is sad enough; aggravated by neglect and cruelty, it is unspeakably awful. To watch over such affliction, to guard it from wrong and oppression, to mitigate its sufferings, and, if possible, to heal it, is the sacred office of the state. But, until a period comparatively recent, this office was grievously neglected. Rich patients were left in charge of keepers, in their own homes, or in private asylums, without control or supervision; the poor were trusted to the rude charge of their own families, or received into the workhouse with other paupers. Neglect, and too often barbarity were the natural results. The strong may not be safely trusted with unrestrained power over the weak. The well-paid keeper, the pauper family, the workhouse matron, could all tyrannize over helpless beings bereft of reason. Sad tales were heard of cruelty committed within walls, to which no watchful guardian was admitted; and idiots were suffered to roam at large, the sport of idle jests or worse brutality.

A few charitable asylums had been founded, by private or local munificence, for the treatment of the insane;' but it was not until the present century that county and borough lunatic asylums began to be established; nor until

1 E. g. Bethlem Hospital, in 1547; St. Peter's Hospital, Bristol, in 1697; Bethel Hospital, Norwich, in 1713; St. Luke's Hospital, in 1751.

after the operation of the new poor law, that their erection was rendered compulsory. At the same time, provision was made for the inspection of asylums; and securities were taken against the wrongful detention or mismanagement of lunatics. Private asylums are licensed; every house tenanted by the insane is subjected to visitation; and the care of all lunatics is intrusted to commissioners.2 The like provision has also been made for the care of lunatics in Scotland and Ireland. Two principles were here carried out, — the guardianship of the state, and the obligation of property to bear the burden of a liberal treatment of the lunatic poor. Both are no less generous than just; and the resources of medical science and private charity have more than kept pace with the watchfulness of the state, in alleviating the sufferings of the insane.

Labor in

mines, &c.

In other cases, the state has also extended its generous protection to the weak, - even where its duty was not so clear. To protect women and chil- factories, dren from excessive or unsuitable labor, it has ventured to interfere with husband and wife, parent and child, laborer and employer, with free labor and wages, production and profits. The first Sir Robert Peel had induced the legislature to interfere for the preservation of the health and morals of factory children. But to the earnest philanthrophy of Mr. Sadler and Lord Ashley, is due their first protection from excessive labor. It was found that children were doomed to immoderate toil in factories, by the cupidity of parents; and young persons and females accustomed to hours of labor, injurious to health and character. The state stretched forth its arm to succor them. The employment of children of tender years in factories was prohibited; the labor of the young, of both sexes under eighteen,

1 In 1845; 8 & 9 Vict. c. 126.

28 & 9 Vict. c. 100, &c.

8 9 & 10 Vict. c. 115, &c.; 20 & 21 Vict. c. 71.

4 In 1802 and 1819; Acts 42 Geo. III. c. 73; 59 Geo. III. c. 66, &c.

and of all women was subjected to regulation; an inspection of factories was instituted; and provision made for the education of factory children.1 The like parental care was extended to other departments of labor, to mines,2 and bleaching works, and even to the sweeping of chimneys.*

3

The state has further endeavored to improve the social condition of the working classes, by providing for

Measures for

the improve the establishment of savings' banks and provident societies, of schools of design, of baths and wash

ment of the

working

classes. houses, of parks and places of recreation; by encouraging the construction of more suitable dwellings, by the supervision of common lodging-houses,—and by measures of sanitary improvement; the benefits of which, though common to all classes, more immediately affect the health and welfare of the laboring multitudes. In this field, however, the state can do comparatively little; it is from society, from private benevolence and local activity, that effectual aid must be sought for the regeneration of the poorer classes. And this great social duty has fallen upon a generation already awakened to its urgency. Among the measures most conducive to the moral and social improvement of the people, has been the promotion of popular education. That our ancestors were not insensible to the value of extended education, is attested by the grammar-schools and free or charity-schools in England, and by the parochial schools of Scotland. The state, however, inert and indifferent, permitted endowments for the good of society to be wasted and misapplied. From the latter end of last century much was done by private zeal and liberality for the education of the poor, but the state stirred not. It was reserved for Mr. Brougham, in 1816,

Popular education.

1 3 & 4 Will. IV. c. 103; 7 Vict. c. 15, &c.

25 & 6 Vict. c. 99.

8 23 & 24 Vict. c. 78.

4 4 & 5 Will. IV. c. 35, &c.

5 See Porter's Progress of the Nation, 690-699.