or from Africa, upon the conditions aforefaid, be admitted to the freedom of the faid company.

By the thirteenth fection of faid A&t, the election of the faid committee men is directed to be by fuch perfons, as have been admitted to the freedom of the faid company, and free thereof one entire year.

If all his Majesty's fubjects, without diftinction, paying forty fhillings each, are entitled to be freemen of this company, as fome conteft; how happened it that London, Liverpool, and Bristol, were particularized, more than York, Carlisle, and Gloucefter? Needs there any argument to prove, that it was, because the traders to Africa, of whom it was intended this company should confift, were known to refide in the firft-mentioned. places, and not in the last?

The premiffes being confidered, can any thing be more evident, than that it was the intention of the legislature, that the perfons compofing this company should be fuch, and fuch only, as were traders to or from Africa; or that the committee men were intended to be chofen only by fuch perfons as, trading to or from Africa, were immediately interested in that choice, and in the conduct of the committee? and, that, although by fome unaccountable mistake in defcribing the perfons to be admitted free of the said company at London, the vague words intending to trade, were inferted, as fet forth in the fifth section of said act, not foreseeing the misuse that might be made of them, ftill as the defcription of the perfons to be made free for Liverpool and Bristol, is abfolute, and confined to traders to or from Africa only, it is incontestably clear that must have been the defign of parliament for all.

Yet fo it has happened, that for interested and private purposes, taking. advantage of the words intending to trade, designing men have found, and used the means to render the influence of the merchants, really and truly trading to Africa, in the choice of committee men, of no effect; for under colour of intending to trade to Africa, (the contrary of which admits of no other proof than by inference from circumftances) and generally even without that pretence, fuch numbers of perfons have been made free of this company, that 1425 names ftand now registered as freemen thereof, for London alone; although it is a fact known, and no

torious

torious to every perfon in the African trade, that the actual traders from London to Africa, at this day, are not more than 50, at the uttermoft; and that including them, the entire number of perfons, free of the faid company, who have at any time fince the paffing the beforementioned act, to this hour, been traders to or from Africa, from the city of London, does not amount to more than 100.

It may throw fome farther light upon this subject, to observe, that the annual admiffion of freemen into the faid company, ftands by their books as follows:

That of the 274 made free in the year 1771, no less than 194 were made free in one day, i. e. the 2d of July in that year, for the obvious. purpose of influencing the election in 1772. And of the whole 274, not ten were, or are Traders to Africa.

e, ́or

Upon a farther investigation of the names of perfons entered as freemen from London, it appears that among them there are about twenty members of the House of Commons, eighteen East India directors, fix counsellors, ten attorneys, five phyficians, five furgeons, twelve ftock brokers and stock jobbers, eighteen tradesmen of the company serving

them

them with goods, (one of which is the hon. gentleman that oppofes the prefent bill) four that are or have been their fecretaries or clerks, thirteen merchants clerks, many Custom Houfe clerks, Eaft India company's clerks, fome not yet of age, great numbers made free without their knowledge and without their expence, cheesemongers, journeymen weavers, shoe-makers, taylors, barbers, alehousemen, pastry-cooks, paviors, and in short almoft every denomination of the lowest mechanics and tradesmen, exclufive of near four hundred persons, of whom, after a very particular enquiry, even the occupations cannot be known, and of whom the refidence was fo very obfcure, that at the election in 1771, when the number of freemen was only 1043, near two hundred letters were returned to the candidates from the poft office, as addreffed to people who could not be found.

That fuch could be the perfons intended by the legiflature to compofe the company of merchants trading to Africa, requires an equal degree of folly to conceive, and affurance and absurdity to maintain.

Liverpool did in the year 1771 send out ships and goods to the coast of Africa, fufficient for the purchase of 29,250 negroes, and the number of freemen for that town was 88. London fent out fhips and goods. for the purchase of 8000 negroes only that year, yet the number of freemen for that city is 1425.

To point out by whom, and for what corrupt ends these iniquitous measures have been ufed, or for what fordid purposes they are now defended, is a task too invidious for the writer of this letter to engage in, unless the public service may hereafter require it; in that case you will hear again from, Sir, your most humble fervant,

A MERCHANT.

The following LETTERS appeared foon after.

Bristol, April 25, 1772.

IN the LEDGER of the 22d of this month, I read a letter figned a MERCHANT, fetting forth, in fome degree, the importance of the African trade, and the abuses of the acts of parliaments relative to it, particularly in the election of African committee men for London. He might

alfo

also have mentioned Bristol and Liverpool. I wish the Merchant, who feems to understand the subject, (as far as relates to facts in England) had entered farther into the matter, and told the public the great abuses every day practised by the governors, or chiefs of the forts on the coaft, to the great detriment of the fair trader: That the valuable trade on the Gold Coast will certainly be loft to the British merchant, and the forts totally ruined, unless fame good regulations take place foon: That the forts, fuch as they are, fervants, flaves, and foldiers, (these last are kept in a most wretched state) are all, and have been for fome time past, according to their feveral abilities, employed for the emolument of a few people, who command at the forts, and their friends in London. I have been feveral voyages to that part of the world, and know these things; but it would be impolitic in me to let my name be known at prefent, for obvious reafons; as I purpose to make another voyage. The people who now monopolize the cream of the Gold Coast trade, have the public stock to trade upon. The forts which cost the nation, to the old royal African company, upwards of 100,000l. ferve them as houfes and warehoufes without rent; the fervants, as well whites as blacks, are all employed as their agents, and factors, to buy up the flaves, gold, &c. without wages. By thefe great advantages they can deal at least 20 per cent. on better terms than the merchant adventurer, who has all these neceffary conveniences to provide, at a very great expence. Nay, I fhall venture to say, the public-money granted annually by parliament, 13,000l. (which I fee by the votes is augmented this year to 15,400l.) as it is managed, militates against the fair trader, which it was originally intended to ferve, by keeping the forts in a refpectable condition. This public-money is invested in prime goods, such as is ordered, and wanted for the better affortment of the trading chiefs, who divide the cargoes among themselves, and in shameful proportions, immediately on the arrival of the ftore-ship, or ships; this divifion, they fay, is to pay them the advance they are in for the public. By fuch artful fchemes of keeping the company in debt, which need never be, (and I fuppofe but few of the freemen of the company know they are liable to) they endeavour to fanctify their proceedings. I have no ill-will to any man on the coaft, yet I think

it

it my duty, as a good fubject and free trader, to throw in my mite of knowledge, as it may poffibly draw the attention of fome one man in power to lend his aid towards reforming and regulating, perhaps, the most useful and beneficial commerce this nation now enjoys, confidering it in all its views.—It employs great numbers of our poor manufacturers, and our colonies cannot exist without negroes.

The legislature, I obferve, is taking much pains to regulate the India company and their affairs. Query, whether the African trade is not of more folid advantage to the nation, than the Eaft India trade, or might be made fo?

The East Indies produce a great deal of partial riches, which has an evident tendency to overturn our happy conftitution; whereas the African trade diffuses, like gentle fhowers, its kindly benefits throughout all the British dominions; I am a fpeculative man, though now a feaman, and could enlarge on this copious subject.

What I have now committed to paper, are the ferious genuine thoughts of an honest tar, without order or method. If you, Mr. Printer, think proper to publish them in your useful paper, perhaps they may do fome service to my king and country at this critical time.

AFRICAN US.

N. B. The legislature should fend half-pay-officers to govern and keep the forts in a respectable condition. They are bred to acquire honour, not riches by trade. Such a regulation need not cost the public a penny more than the prefent allowance. An honeft, fenfible, difinterested committee have power to do much good.

London, June 4, New Lloyd's.

HAVING much time upon my hands, I went frequently to the house of commons this feffions, to get fome knowledge of what the guardians of the nation's welfare were doing, for the fervice of the public; and to gratify my curiofity with the fight of fome men, whose conduct in parliament I have read of in the West Indies, where I have a plantation, that maintains my family in England with comfort, not fplendour.