in all discussions of what is proposed, of keeping the main object in view and not losing sight of the woods by getting too close to one tree. Details should be revised where experience and more careful consideration indicate such to be desirable. Means should be refined and improved wherever possible. But the heart of the bill, which is the Freedom Commission, with large powers in a carefully delineated area, and the Freedom Academy, is so evidently necessary and so imperatively urgent that I hope and pray for its speedy enactment. Thank you very much, gentlemen, for your courtesy in according me this opportunity to appear before you on behalf of S. 1689. Senator HRUSKA. We are grateful to you, rather; no thanks to us. This has been valuable testimony and we appreciate the fact that you took the time to come here and tell us your views. Mr. LOWRY. I was happy to do it. Mr. SOURWINE. Mr. Chairman, there are several communications which should be offered for the record. This is a letter from Chief Judge Frederick W. Brune of the Court of Appeals of Maryland, which expresses his views with regard to this bill. Senator HRUSKA. It may be included in the record. (The letter of Chief Judge Brune reads as follows:) Hon. J. G. SOURWINE, COURT OF APPEALS, MARYLAND, General Counsel, Subcommittee on Internal Security, New Senate Office Building, Washington, D. C. DEAR MR. SOURWINE: I have received your letter of April 24 and have read S. 1689 enclosed therewith. This bill lies almost entirely, I think, outside of the field with regard to which I testified on April 23, and the comments below are offered only in response to the direct request of the committee. I would suggest that section 2(a)(4) be amended by striking out all the text except the last clause, which begins in line 4 on page 3, so that paragraph 4 would read: "The continuation of this political war by the Soviets confronts the United States with a grave, present, and continuing danger to its national survival." It seems to me that the portion of paragraph 4 which I would suggest be omitted, might have a considerable propaganda usefulness to the Soviets. In section 6(2) on page 7, lines 20-21, I suggest that it might be advisable to omit the concluding phrase "other than the methods and means already being used." I suppose that the purpose of this exception was to avoid possible conflict or overlapping between different Government agencies, but it would seem to me that if our Government is already using desirable methods and means it would be advisable to include any instruction therein which could be given without danger to our national security, and perhaps the Academy could develop suggestions for improvements in methods or means already in use. I am pleased to note in section 12(7), page 13, that the program contemplates making use of the cooperation of State or local governmental agencies. On page 18, is the heading of section 18 correct in including the term “armed protection"? I find no specific mention of such protection in the body of section 18, though it may be included in the general authorization for the utilization of services, information, facilities and personnel of the departments and establishments of the Government. I am generally in favor of the bill. I wish to take this opportunity to thank you for your courtesies during my visit on April 23. I trust that you have by now received from the University of Chicago a copy of the monographs which I promised to have sent. You will note that the volume as published contains several monographs or addresses to which I did not refer last Thursday, as well as those which I did mention. I believe that some relatively minor revisions have been made. For example, at pages 44-45, Professor Cramton has brought his comments down to date by including the decisions of the Supreme Court in the Beilan and Lerner cases. These had not been rendered at the time of the preparation of his original monograph. Sincerely yours, FREDERICK W. BRUNE. Mr. SOURWINE. A letter from the Deputy Attorney General, Lawrence E. Walsh, on this bill. Senator HRUSKA. It shall be included in the record. (The letter of Deputy Attorney General Lawrence E. Walsh reads as follows:) Hon. JAMES O. EASTLAND, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE, Chairman, Committee on the Judiciary, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR: This is in response to the request of Senator Dodd, Vice Chairman of the Internal Security Subcommittee, for the views of the Department of Justice concerning the bill (S. 1689) "To create the Freedom Commission for the development of the science of counteraction to the world Communist conspiracy and for the training and development of leaders in a total political war." The bill would create a Freedom Commission with responsibility for training Americans and selected foreign students to better understand the nature of the international Communist conspiracy and for developing effective methods for combating it. The Commission would function, to a large extent, through a Freedom Academy and information centers which it is authorized to establish. A Joint Congressional Freedom Committee would also be established, to make continued studies of the activities of the Freedom Commission and of problems relating to the development of counteraction to the international Communist conspiracy. The Department of Justice is wholly in accord with the view that a greater awareness throughout the free world of the extent and operations of communism and methods of combating it is most desirable. However, there would seem to be no need to create a new agency in order to accomplish this objective. Rather, existing agencies, for example, the U.S. Information Agency, and others in the security field, could be utilized with less risk of confusion, overlapping of responsibilities, and duplication of effort. Accordingly, the Department of Justice is unable to recommend enactment of this bill. The Bureau of the Budget has advised that there is no objection to the submission of this report. Sincerely yours, LAWRENCE E. WALSH, Mr. SOURWINE. Here is a letter from Mr. David Sarnoff, chairman of the board of Radio Corp. of America, together with a copy of his brochure "Program for a Political Offensive Against World Communism." Senator HRUSKA. They shall be included. (The letter of David Sarnoff and the brochure above referred to read as follows:) RADIO CORP. OF AMERICA, New York, N.Y., May 1, 1959. Hon. JAMES O. EASTLAND, Chairman, Senate Judiciary Committee, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR EASTLAND: I beg leave to put on record my personal endorsement-in principle of the Freedom Commission Act, S. 1689, on which, I understand, your Internal Security Subcommittee is planning to hold hearings. I say "in principle" not because I have any reservations on the basic proposal but because I have not yet had an opportunity for close study of the bill. My purpose, therefore, is to support the proposal in general rather than in detail. On April 5, 1955, I submitted to the President of the United States a memorandum entitled "Program for a Political Offensive Against World Communism," which was later made public. (A copy of this memorandum is attached hereto.) The memorandum emphasized the magnitude of Communist strategy and organization for the conduct of political and psychological warfare-what is generally called the cold war-against the free world and especially against our own country. It argued that this type of warfare is not a sideshow but a life-and-death threat to the survival of our civilization-that if we lose this contest in the cold war, the defeat could be as final as if we had lost a hot war. Because our understanding of this challenge and our counteraction have been inadequate, the memorandum declared, we have been losing its battles by default; and unless we did grasp the urgency of the contest and acted boldly to meet its challenge on a scale geared to victory, we could lose the entire struggle by default. Accordingly, I outlined a course of suggested action, part of which is pertinent to the bill before you. Under the caption "Training of Cadres," I said in part: "The immediate and prospective activities of the cold war offensive will require ever larger contingents of specialized personnel for the many tasks; to provide leadership for resistance operations; to engage in propaganda * * *, infiltration of the enemy, et cetera. "Already, limited as our political efforts are, there is a shortage of competent personnel. Meanwhile thousands of younger men and women among the emigres are being lost to factories, farms, menial jobs. This amounts to squandering of potentially important human resources. "We need a network of schools and universities devoted to training cadres for the cold war. The objective is not education in a generic sense, but specific preparation for the intellectual, technical, intelligence and similar requirements of the ideological-psychological war. "This training, of course, should not be limited to people from the Soviet areas. A sort of 'West Point' of political warfare analogous to the Lenin School of Political Warfare in Moscow-might be established. Staffed by the ablest specialists obtainable, it would seek out likely young people willing to make the struggle against communism their main or sole career." The Freedom Commission Act, it appears to me, goes a substantial distance toward implementing this suggestion. I note, indeed, that Life magazine, in an editorial approving the act, has used the very phrase I did to describe the Academy envisioned by the bill: namely, "a West Point of Political Warfare." In the 4 years since the memorandum was submitted, I believe the issue has become even more important; the need for action even more pressing. Communist depredations by techniques that are essentially political-although often supported by force of the threat of force-have in this period been accelerated. The Western position in the Middle East has been deteriorating. Communist infiltration of the newly independent countries of Africa has gained momentum, and similar penetration of non-Soviet areas is underway in varying degrees throughout the free world, in other parts of Asia and Africa, in Indonesia and Ceylon and India, in Latin American countries. Moscow and Peiping have confronted us with a series of crises, provoked by them and timed by them (Quemoy, Lebanon, Berlin, Iraq, etc.), all calculated to keep the free world off balance and troubled. More than ever before, we need to see the larger pattern, of which such crises are only parts. Only a clear comprehension of the total and permanent Communist strategy will enable us to deal with it effectively. The Academy proposed by the act could make a vital contribution in this respect. In these 4 years, moreover, progress in the development of devastating nuclear weapons, both by Soviet Russia and free nations, has tended to create a balance of dreadful terror which is likely to inhibit nations from touching off a world war. However, I do not rule out the possibility of such a war, which could come through miscalculation or accident. It is self-evident that our country must make the necessary sacrifice to maintain maximum military preparedness to provide for our national security and to deter aggression, The risks involved in a hot war that would be unleashed by a major power today or in the foreseeable future are indeed great. The logical consequence of this is that struggle by methods short of war-political, economic, psychological-attains greater significance than ever in the past. It is the area of action in which I believe there exists the greatest danger for us as a Nation as well as for the rest of the free world. Again, therefore, an Academy of Political Warfare can play an exceptionally useful role. Not even the sponsors of the bill, I feel sure, would claim that it is the whole answer to our problem, but it is an important step in the right direction. There is good reason to believe, indeed, that the work of such an Academy, over and above its direct contribution, will help alert the public and Government to the larger need for a complete and effective answer. Respectfully, DAVID SARNOFF. PROGRAM FOR A POLITICAL OFFENSIVE AGAINST WORLD COMMUNISM A Memorandum by David Sarnoff, April 5, 1955 INTRODUCTION Our best and surest way to prevent a hot war is to win the cold war. Individual Democratic leaders have long been aware of this truth, but it has not yet been fully grasped by the free world. Because the label is of recent coinage, many people assume that the cold war is a new phenomenon. Actually it has been underway ever since the Bolsheviks, entrenched in Russia and disposing of its resources, launched the Third or Communist International. World communism has been making war on our civilization for more than three decades. And the term "war" is not used here in a merely rhetorical sense. It has been a war with campaigns and battles, strategy and tactics, conquests and retreats. Even the postwar years, it should be noted, have seen Red retreats-in Greece, Iran, Berlin, for instance as well as victories; but such retreats have occurred only when the West acted awarely and boldly. I. HOW THE COMMUNISTS WAGE COLD WAR There have been intervals of truce in the cold war but not of true peace. Periods of seeming Communist moderation have been used as a cover for frantic buildups and deployments for the next big push. There has not been a single year when the Kremlin did not, with single-minded concentration, make the most of its opportunities by methods short of general war. Not a single country today under Communist rule was conquered by outright military assault. Russia itself fell to the Bolsheviks through a political coup, after other parties had overthrown the old regime. The East European satellites were placed behind the Iron Curtain by cunning diplomacy and brute extortion. China was joined to the Soviet sphere by "rear operations" performed from inside. It is useful to break down Moscow's political-psychological techniques for easier observation. But it should be remembered that they are all inextricably intermeshed, that they are stepped up or soft pedalled as required, that they are supplemented with physical force and the menace of such force according to circumstances. The listing that follows is therefore overlapping. 1. Propaganda The massive use of all media of communications by the Soviet Government, its puppet governments, local Communist parties, and by ostensibly independent groups under Moscow control or influence, is vast but impossible to measure. In 1948 Soviet broadcasting to foreign targets totaled 528 hours per week. By 1954 this figure was increased to 1,675 hours. In addition, the Soviet news agency Tass broadcasts 121 hours daily to the foreign press. By comparison, the Voice of America broadcasts only 716 hours a week. It is estimated that over 1,000 Soviet transmitters are engaged in "jamming" our signals. The Kremlin spends more for jamming it than we spend on all operations of the Voice of America. The Soviet and satellite expenditures in all types of foreign propaganda cannot be accurately gaged-nearly everything Communists do has a propaganda content-but these costs run into billions or dollars annually. My purpose, therefore, is to suppor detail. On April 5, 1955, I submitted to the i randum entitled "Program for a munism," which was later made pub tached hereto.) The memorandum emphasized the organization for the conduct of poin generally called the cold war-agai our own country. It argued that th life-and-death threat to the surviv contest in the cold war, the defeat war. Because our understanding of this inadequate, the memorandum declar fault; and unless we did grasp the 1 meet its challenge on a scale geared gle by default. Accordingly, I outlined a course tinent to the bill before you. Unde in part: "The immediate and prospective quire ever larger contingents of provide leadership for resistance infiltration of the enemy, et cetera. "Already, limited as our political. personnel. Meanwhile thousands. are being lost to factories, far ing of potentially important human resum "We need a network of schools and for the cold war. The objective is not preparation for the intellectual, tech ments of the ideological-psychologien "This training, of course, should areas. A sort of 'West Point' of p School of Political Warfare in Mosc ablest specialists obtainable, it woul make the struggle against communis The Freedom Commission Act, its toward implementing this suggestion an editorial approving the act, has Academy envisioned by the bill: n In the 4 years since the memoran become even more important; the munist depredations by techniques supported by force of the threat The Western position in the M infiltration of the newly indepen and similar penetration of no throughout the free world, in Ceylon and India, in Latin Ame fronted us with a series of crise Lebanon, Berlin, Iraq, etc.), al troubled. More than ever before, we n are only parts. Only a clear munist strategy will enable we by the act could make a vita In these 4 years, moreover weapons, both by Soviet R of dreadful terror which is war, However, I do not r through miscalculation make the necessary provide for our n |