ganizer of the Madison Square Garden rally was a veteran member of the Communist Party; that there was also evidence of serious Communist infiltration at chapter level throughout the Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy; that the Communist Party and its front organizations had done their utmost to promote the meeting; that the Communists provided much of the organizing machinery for the meeting because they planned to use it as a pressure instrument in support of Soviet nuclear diplomacy.

This information was confirmed by the Subcommittee on Internal Security only several days before the Madison Square Garden meeting was scheduled to take place. Because I wished to be fair to all the decent and prominent people who were associated with the meeting as sponsors or as speakers, I had some doubt about the advisability of rushing into print with my information only 48 hours in advance of the rally. Instead, I decided to communicate the information, or at least certain essential portions of it, to Mr. Norman Cousins, the chairman of the Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy. Mr. Cousins came to Washington to see me and we had a long and frank discussion about the problem. The directors of the Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy, it turned out, had some inkling of the existence of a Communist infiltration and were extremely unhappy about it. When the Communist affiliations of the chief organizer of the Madison Square Garden meeting were brought to Mr. Cousins' attention, he immediately suspended the organizer in question. It is my understanding that the national committee of the organization intends to take some further measures against Communist infiltrators.

If I have any criticism to make, it is that the directors of the organization have moved so slowly to confront the problem and that the measures they have taken have been inadequate. I was, for example, surprised to discover that one of the officers of the committee, Mr. Norman Thomas, had, as early as last January, expressed serious suspicion about the individual who later became organizer of the Madison Square Garden meeting-but that no action had been taken on Mr. Thomas's warning.

To me it is appalling that the Communists should be able to infiltrate and manipulate a movement founded on sincere humanitarian and pacifist motivations, and headed by so many reputable citizens. Perhaps this is a situation in which remedial legislation is indicated, a situation in which private citizens must have the assistance of Government to cope effectively with a movement that operates by stealth and by secrecy.

In accordance with the subcommittee's mandate from the Senate, it was clear that our duty required that we do everything in our power to get at the facts. In presenting the information we have gleaned to the Senate, it is my hope that I will be able to do so in a manner that will avoid injury to the innocent and will point the way to a constructive course of action by government and by private organizations.

The test ban has for several years now been the chief objective of the Communist propaganda apparatus. Of this there is ample documentary evidence. In his speech before the Congress of the Soviet Communist Party on January 27, Nikita Khrushchev, in his most militant rhetoric, called for a permanent ban on nuclear tests.

The main political resolution adopted by the 17th Congress of the Communist Party of the U.S.A. in February 1960, said: "The demand that the administration end nuclear testing and ban the H-bomb has found a widening response in community meetings, 'peace walks', petitions, and sermons from the pulpit." On February 16, 1960, seven Communist foreign-language newspapers took a full-page advertisement in the New York Times and called on the President-I quote:

"(1) To proclaim the achievement of total, universal, and controlled disarmament as the goal of national U.S. policy.

"(2) To restore the moratorium on the testing of nuclear weapons and to do everything in your power to insure early agreement on the banning of all nuclear tests.

"(3) To oppose the sharing of nuclear warheads with NATO allies."

The Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy has not solicited the praise of the Communist movement, and most of its leaders, I am certain, would be much happier if they received no plaudits from Communist sources. The fact nevertheless remains that the committee in recent years has been the recipient of consistent and generous praise from the Communist press. The Communist

organ New World Review for April of this year, for example, carried these paragraphs under the caption : "Peace Groups in the U.S.":

"No amount of conspiratorial silence can wipe out the forces for disarmament and peace; but it can leave them isolated from each other and ignorant of the efforts their fellows are making *

"It is our purpose to bring to our readers' attention the main groups in our country working toward these ends, beginning in this issue *** with a description of the main nonsectarian national organization.

"NATIONAL COMMITTEE FOR A SANE NUCLEAR POLICY

"SANE offers a wide choice of channels for expression of the American people's desire for a world without war. Under the cochairmanship of Norman Cousins, editor of the Saturday Review, and Clarence Pickett, executive secretary emeritus of the American Friends Service Committee, and with the sponsorship and support of many noted Americans, SANE provides an elastic organization and comprehensive program through which ordinary people can be effective.

"Local committees of SANE exist in many cities, towns, countries, and small communities throughout the United States. Their membership policy is flexible and they generally welcome additions to their forces, whether for one particular campaign or on a long-term basis.”

Mr. President, to anyone who is familiar with the language of communism, the paragraphs I have just quoted constitute a clear directive to members of the Communist Party to enter into the ranks of the Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy. These paragraphs, I might point out, were not the haphazard product of a novice or intellectual dilettante. They were written by the editor of the magazine, Jessica Smith, a hardened, oldtime Communist.

As for the Madison Square Garden meeting, the Communist organ, The Worker, in a series of its own advertisements, called upon all the Communist faithful to turn out in strength. The masthead of the Worker for May 15 carried a banner headline: "For Sanity in Foreign Policy All Out to Madison Sq. Garden, Thurs. 7:45 p.m."

Given this background, it was only natural to anticipate that the Communists would attempt to find their way into the organizing mechanism of the meeting. The name of the Communist Party member who served as chief organizer of the Madison Square Garden meeting is Henry H. Abrams. As I have pointed out, Mr. Norman Cousins suspended Mr. Abrams several days before the meeting, when I brought the matter to his attention. Until the date of his suspension, however, Mr. Abrams devoted virtually full time to the organization of the meeting for many weeks. He did so, moreover, without remuneration.

On March 16, 1960, Mr. Abrams attended a meeting of the executive committee of the Greater New York Committee of the National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy. Let me read just two sentences from the minutes of that meeting, which clearly illustrate the central role this Communist agent has played: "Dr. Lear reported that Gov. G. Mennen Williams has accepted our invitation to speak at Madison Square Garden. Henry Abrams then gave the rest of the Madison Square Garden Report."

Henry Abrams' residence at 11 Riverside Drive, New York City, and his telephone number of Trafalgar 4-7769, is the address and telephone number used by the headquarters of the Upper Manhattan Sane Nuclear Policy Committee. Abrams has served as an accountant for both the Upper Manhattan Committee and the Greater New York Committee of the National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy. From these facts it emerges that his association with the Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy was a long and fairly prominent one. Now let us look at Henry Abrams' Communist record.

In 1939, he resided at 972 East 14th Street, Brooklyn, N.Y. In that year he signed a Communist Party nominating petition from that address which appears on page 4091 of the election records.

He was a member of the 11th Assembly District Club of the Communist Party which met at 2744 Broadway, New York City. On Tuesday, February 15, 1944, it was announced at a meeting of this Communist club that Henry Abrams would give a class for Communists on the preparation of income tax forms.

Henry Abrams was a member of the Young Communist League and later of the Upper West Side Section of the Communist Party of New York City. He has been a consistent financial contributor to the Communist Party, U.S.Ă.

As recently as September 28, 1958, the official Communist Party newspaper, The Worker, printed a letter from Henry Abrams endorsing the candidacy of Benjamin Davis for State senator in the 21st senatorial district of New York City. Benjamin Davis is national secretary of the Communist Party, and is in fact one of the most notorious of native Communists, a fact which is well known to most Americans. He was one of the leading members of the party convicted in the famous Foley Square Smith Act trials of a dozen years ago. He spent several years in jail for advocating the overthrow of the U.S. Government by force and violence.

Mr. Abrams has served as an accountant for the American Communist Party, for the Emergency Civil Liberties Committee, and for the late Congressman Vito Marcantonio.

Abrams has carried out Communist policies in many ostensibly non-Communist organizations which have in fact served as fronts for the Communist Party. Among the organizations promoted by the Communists in which he has played an active role are the Emergency Civil Liberties Committee, the American Committee for the Protection of the Foreign Born, the Hiroshima Commemorative Committee, the National Committee of the American Forum for Socialist Education, the American Labor Party, the United Independent Socialist Conference Committee.

I state all these things as facts, Mr. President. On Friday, May 13, Henry Abrams was given the opportunity to deny them in a hearing of the Senate Subcommittee on Internal Security. He invoked the fifth amendment in reply to all questions regarding his years' long record of service to the Communist conspiracy.

The obvious and declared purpose of the Madison Square Garden meeting was to influence American policy on the nuclear test ban. It is one thing when American citizens come together, in accordance with their rights, for the purpose of urging a specific policy on their Government. It is an altogether different thing when such a meeting is infiltrated by the Communists and when the chief organizing role falls into the hands of a member of the Communist Party, which, as we all know, is a quisling instrument of Soviet policy. Such a situation has an important bearing on American security, because it is axiomatic that all actions of the Communist Party are planned to subserve the ends of Soviet diplomacy.

Let me say here, parenthetically, that this is by no means the only occasion of Communist machinations in the field of nuclear policy. At a previous hearing, we established that Avrahm G. Mezerik, a man with a long Communist record, actually managed a so-called American Nobel anniversary forum and dinner, held at the Waldorf Astoria Hotel in New York City on January 11, 1958, which concentrated on the theme of an American ban on nuclear testing. It was brought out in this hearing that this gathering, while managed by a Communist, was financed by a prominent American capitalist, who was unaware of Mezerik's Communist record.

With all this interest in the subject, the Internal Security Subcommittee summoned Mr. Abrams to appear and testify. Through his attorney, Leonard Boudin of New York, Mr. Abrams pleaded illness, and asked to be excused from coming to Washington to testify. We then arranged to hear him in New York City. He showed up with a doctor's certificate that he was suffering from heart disease, and moved a further continuance on the ground that his conditoin was so serious that being questioned might cause him serious harm. Since the committee was aware that Mr. Abrams had continued right up to that day to carry the load as the man in active charge of arrangements for the May 19 meeting at Madison Square Garden, we were not impressed by these claims. We had a New York City Public Health Service doctor present, and asked Mr. Abrams if he would consent to be examined then and there. He refused, so we denied the request for a continuance, and went ahead with the hearing, which was in executive session.

As I have indicated, the hearing had been called in the hope that we could learn from Mr. Abrams the full story of Communist infiltration of and participation in this movement for a nuclear test ban, as a basis for determining what, if any, legislation may be indicated in this area. Mr. Abrams, as I stated previously, invoked the fifth amendment in refusing to answer any of our questions.

The subcommittee has received evidence, much of it still of a classified nature, that Henry Abrams is not a lone infiltrator, that there exists in fact a serious Communist infiltration in the Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy.

What, specifically, are the Communists attempting to achieve by their infiltration of the test ban movement, including the recent all-out support of the Madison Square Garden meeting? The answer to this is, I believe, obvious. The Communist purpose in supporting the test ban agitation and in going all out to make the Madison Square Garden meeting a success is to exert pressure on the administration to make still further concessions to the Soviet viewpoint in order to arrive at a test ban agreement; to create a climate of public opinion which will make it impossible for the administration to resume small underground tests, even though there may be every reason to believe that the Kremlin is conducting such tests; to enervate the free world so that it becomes incapable of responding with appropriate measures to challenges at Berlin and at other points.

In the test ban negotiations that are now going on there are major differences between the Soviet position and our own. These differences hinge around the question of inspection. In my own opinion, we have already conceded too much, especially by agreeing in principle to a further voluntary moratorium on undetectable underground tests. But for those tests that are subject to detection, we still take the stand that there should be an inspection system based on an adequate number of fixed stations, with at least 20 to 30 onsite inspections per annum. The Kremlin wants a minimum of inspection. It wants as few stations as possible, and its spokesmen have indicated that they would not be willing to accept more than "a few" onsite inspections per annum.

The Kremlin apparently attached major importance to the Madison Square Garden meeting as a pressure operation in support of its nuclear objectives. This, I believe, is conclusively demonstrated by the generous and sympathetic coverage of the meeting in the Soviet press. According to an AP dispatch of May 21, Pravda headlined its account of the meeting with the quotation: “We Want To Live in Friendship With the Soviet Union,” while the Izvestia headline read "Rebuff to Advocates of War."

I believe that the heads of the Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy have a serious contribution to make to the great debate on national policy. But they can only make this contribution effectively if they purge their ranks ruthlessly of Communist infiltration and if they clearly demarcate their own position from that of the Communists, first, by stressing the need for adequate inspection; second, by reiterating at every opportunity their opposition to the tyranny of communism.

On the basis of the evidence that has come to me, I do not believe that the Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy has taken the necessary measures to create a climate that is inhospitable to Communist infiltration. At the Madison Square Garden rally, for example, there was much direct and inferential criticism of American policy, but, according to the press accounts and reports from private sources, there was almost no criticism of Khrushchev or of his arrogant, insulting, gutter-level behavior in Paris. On the contrary, the speakers called for an immediate effort to renew the summit conference.

Let me digress briefly for a comment on this last proposal, which has, unfortunately, not been confined to the Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy. Perhaps I am old fashioned, but to me it seems that after the President of the United States has had to endure a barrage of the crudest insults ever leveled at a head of state, a petition to Khrushchev for another summit meeting would constitute a total abandonment of national dignity. The only conceivable political consequence of so craven an action would be to encourage Khrushchev to further arrogance and further demands.

As I have said, I have found no serious evidence that the Madison Square Garden meeting was organized and conducted in a manner which would have discouraged Communist participation. It was not surprising, therefore, that the Communists and their sympathizers turned out in force. Although no Gallup poll or breakdown was possible, I am convinced from reports that the Communists were responsible for a very substantial percentage of the overflow turnout. A number of well-known Communists, including Alexander Trachtenberg, a top party member, were observed in the audience. Outside the meeting,

the Communists brazenly distributed literature in their own name.

If decent organizations like the Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy wish to protect themselves against the danger of Communist infiltration, I cannot emphasize too strongly the need for an organizational climate that is openly inhospitable to Communists. This is a situation where a tepid declaration of devotion to democracy simply will not suffice, while a neutral silence is an open invitation to disaster.

I can think of other things that can and should be done by the directors of the Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy and of other non-Communist organizations that must contend with the problem of Communist infiltration. At top level, control is relatively easy. One can more or less assume that the people who are elected to a board of directors or to a national committee have enjoyed public visibility over a period of years so that their records are known. At the local level, not even the FBI with all of its resources could offer a 100-percent guarantee against infiltration. However, I think it is possible for organizations to exercise a good deal of control by carefully examining the personal records and bona fides (1) of all those who volunteer to help establish local organizations; (2) of those who are elected to office in local organizations; (3) of all those assigned to organizing activities.

This would not be an easy task. Perhaps it is a situation in which private organizations can in some way be assisted by government. This is a problem that the Subcommittee on Internal Security is at present exploring.

In closing my remarks, I want to pay my personal tribute to Mr. Norman Cousins, the chairman of the Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy, for the manner in which he has reacted to the revelations of the subcommittee. Not only did Mr. Cousins act immediately to suspend Mr. Abrams, but when he saw me in Washington he asked for the subcommittee's assistance in ridding the Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy of whatever Communist infiltration does exist. He offered to open the books of the organization to the subcommittee and to cooperate with it in every way.

For my own part, I want to assure Mr. Cousins and the other respected leaders of the Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy that the Subcommittee on Internal Security stands ready to cooperate with them to prevent a repetition of the Madison Square Garden situation.

I give the same assurance to the directors of other public organizations who have reason to believe that they are being infiltrated by the Communists.