Mr. BOUDIN. Well, I would be interested in receiving the entire transcript of the testímony that was taken today, together with copies of the exhibits.

I particularly am interested in getting a copy of what I thought Mr. Sourwine was reading from, where he stated the purpose of the inquiry. I thought it might be quite interesting to keep and I wondered therefore if I am wrong whether a copy of this statement of purpose could not be sent to me, even if the committee were not willing at the present time to give me the entire transcript of the testimony.

Senator DODD. I understood Mr. Sourwine to say at the time that you made reference to his statement that he was not reading from any prepared document.

Mr. SOURWINE. My statement was, Mr. Chairman, that I did not read the statement into the record and that is true.

I had before me two different documents, both of which I glanced at from time to time but I did not read verbatim from those documents into the record at the time I was making what he referred to as a statement of policy.

Mr. BOUDIN. I had not intended to question Mr. Sourwine's word once he clarified it, but I was suggesting rather unless he wished to give me the two drafts referred to, that the stenographer prepare a statement of purpose made by him.

Senator DODD. Oh, yes.

Mr. BOUDIN. And send me a copy of it.

Senator DODD. We will take up the request with the membership of the subcommittee.

I don't think there is any urgency about it today. Obviously, the transcript is not ready but it will be prepared expeditiously and I am sure then we will be in touch with you about your request.

Mr. BOUDIN. If the transcript is going to be made available for public consumption and examination, I should like to have advance notice of that from the committee counsel. It may be that after the stenographic record is typed, the committee counsel will prefer, of course, not to make a public record of it. But in any event if he decides, I should like to have advance notice.

Senator DODD. As far as the Chair is concerned, I don't know about any plans now for making anything public.

Mr. SOURWINE. As the chairman knows, of course, counsel doesn't decide this matter. Nothing is made public which is taken in executive session without authority of the committee, and as a practical matter it has never been done when there was an objection to it. Mr. BOUDIN. What?

Mr. SOURWINE. Never done when there was an objection, when a member of the committee made an objection.

Mr. BOUDIN. But you know the purport of my request.

Mr. SOURWINE. Oh, sure, perfectly clear.

Senator DODD. Well, why don't we adjourn on the record.

Mr. BOUDIN. If the committee proposes to release this testimony at any time I should like to know in advance so that either I or Mr. Abrams can send simultaneously-make an appropriate statement on what we believe to be the committee's purpose in holding the hearing. I have no hesitation in telling you that is my purpose.

Senator DODD. I would suppose the committee would know best what its purpose is. However, that may be your request.

Mr. SOURWINE. If the Chair will permit, I might state that counsel has a right to make this request but in my opinion, no one has any right to advance notice of what the committee does in its executive function and the ordering of a record made public is an executive function of the committee.

Senator DODD. In any event we have heard the request.

Mr. SOURWINE. It is for the committee to decide, of course.

Mr. Chairman, an article in the April 1960, issue of the New World Review, formerly known as Soviet Russia Today, and which is edited by Jessica Smith, is important in connection with this hearing. This Communist magazine speaks with approval concerning the National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy and endorses its program. It will be noted that the article makes an early point of mentioning the forthcoming Madison Square Garden meeting and listing the announced speakers. I suggest that this article be placed in the appendix of the record.

Senator DODD. That may be done.

Mr. SOURWINE. Mr. Chairman, I offer also a staff memo prepared under the supervision of our director of research, Mr. Mandel, which refers to the New World article just ordered into the record.

Senator DODD. It also may be printed in the appendix of this hearing record.

(The two documents described above will be found on pp. 29 and 33, respectively, of this document.)

Senator DODD. If that is all, the meeting is adjourned.

(Whereupon, at 3:40 p.m., the subcommittee proceeded to other business.)

APPENDIXES

APPENDIX I

(New World Review, April 1960)

PEACE GROUPS IN THE UNITED STATES

It is difficult-almost impossible to measure the American peace movement. There is no overall council for peace, no broad delegate body, no single information center.

It is equally difficult to describe in its whole. No blueprint can be drawn. No accurate estimate can be made of the number of individuals active for peace, even though we know the Gallup Poll has found that 77 percent of Americans favor continuance of the nuclear tests ban.

Information is relatively accessible, however, on certain portions of the American peace movement—about what some organizations, loosely knit groups, individuals are doing each in their own way. But even such information, when it takes the form of current news, is often deliberately buried or completely excluded by the policymakers of the major media.

No amount of conspiratorial silence can wipe out the forces for disarmament and peace; but it can leave them isolated from each other and ignorant of the efforts their fellows are making. Lack of information on peace activities can also serve to immobilize large sections of the population who long to do something specific to help end the threat of war, but do not know of the programs and activities of organizations working for disarmament and lasting peace.

It is our purpose to bring to our readers' attention the main groups in our country working toward these ends, beginning in this issue, with a description of the main nonsectarian national organizations.

NATIONAL COMMITTEE FOR A SANE NUCLEAR POLICY

"The test of a nation's right to survive today is measured not by the size of its bombs or the range of its missiles, but by the size and range of its concern for the human community as a whole. ***There can be no true security for America unless we can exert leadership in these terms. * * *"

These words are from the first published statement of the National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy, formed in 1957.

SANE offers a wide choice of channels for expression of the American people's desire for a world without war. Under the cochairmanship of Norman Cousins, editor of the Saturday Review, and Clarence Pickett, Executive Secretary Emeritus of the American Friends Service Committee, and with the sponsorship and active support of many noted American figures, SANE provides an elastic organization and comprehensive program through which ordinary people can be effective.

Local committees of SANE exist in many cities, towns, counties, small communities throughout the United States. Their membership policy is flexible and they generally welcome additions to their forces, whether for one particular campaign or on a long-term basis.

These local committees engage in educational and nonpartisan political activities tailored to fit the immediate scene. They hold public events, often issue their own literature, canvass the neighborhood on specific peace projects. They also initiate and support peace activities by other local organizations and work with labor, industrial, religious, educational and civic leaders and groups. Committees in the Greater New York area are lending major efforts at present toward a big SANE rally scheduled for Madison Square Garden on May 19, for which the announced speakers include Dr. Harold Taylor, former president of

Sarah Lawrence College, Rabbi Israel Goldstein, and Governor G. Mennen Williams of Michigan.

There is also a National Student Council for a Sane Nuclear Policy and a "Hollywood for SANE" Committee with Steve Allen and Robert Ryan as cochairmen.

In the interest of public action for disarmament and peace, the National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy from time to time places large advertisements in major newspapers. As part of its education program, it distributes hundreds of thousands of copies of its own publications and those of other organizations. SANE also presents its position through television and radio media, and maintains a speakers' bureau which has serviced hundreds of lectures throughout the USA.

On the international front, SANE instituted a world-wide appeal in support of ending nuclear weapons tests; the signers included Trygve Lie, Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, Bertrand Russell, Albert Schweitzer. SANE also petitioned the UN Trusteeship Council on behalf of the Marshall Islanders and protested strongly against the French bomb test in the Sahara. SANE maintains liaison with representatives of related movements abroad, and with the United Nations and UN delegations of the United States and other countries.

SANE believes that international arms control "will ultimately involve the abolition of all weapons of mass destruction-fire, high explosive, chemical, and biological as well as nuclear-and the reduction of all conventional arms and manpower down to levels adequate for maintenance of internal order." Meanwhile, SANE works for cessation of all nuclear weapons testing with adequate inspection and urges public pressure to guarantee:

"A continued moratorium on testing.

"Agreement by the three major powers at Geneva.

"Ratification of the agreement by the United States Senate.

"Adherence to the agreement by all other nations which have or might obtain nuclear weapons.

"Denial of nuclear weapons, weapons parts and delivery systems to additional countries, pending conclusion of international agreements to control nuclear weapons."

SANE's policy statement adopted in November 1959 expresses the organization's overall stand:

"The development of nuclear weapons and their delivery systems and of other weapons capable of causing unlimited destruction has made war unthinkable as an instrument of national policy. The best hope of a world without war lies in the achievement of universal, total disarmament with adequate inspection and control. Recent events suggest that this goal is within reach as a practical possibility."

WOMEN'S INTERNATIONAL LEAGUE FOR PEACE AND FREEDOM

Ever since its founding by Jane Addams over 40 years ago, the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (which does not exclude men from membership) has advocated "abandonment of the war system." Today its stand is for complete and universal disarmament under United Nations supervision, with a ban on nuclear weapons tests and military neutralization of NATO and Warsaw Pact countries as the first steps in such a program.

The League has national sections in 17 countries; headquarters of the United States section are in Philadelphia and a legislative office is maintained in Washington. Observers are assigned to the UN and delegates sent to the many conferences called by government and private agencies on topics of interest to the WILPF.

Referring to President Eisenhower's announced desire for a change of law to permit the U.S. to share atomic weapons and the unfavorable effect this was bound to have on the Geneva test ban talks, the Policy Committee Chairman of the WILPF United States Section wrote on February 9 in a letter to the New York Times:

"Would such weapons in French and German hands stabilize the peace among our allies or between them and the U.S.S.R.***?

"It seems to us that it would be better to bend every effort toward achieving a test ban agreement which would prevent resumption of bomb tests and the addition of new H-bomb powers.