whole problem from the humanitarian point of view, not to speak of the other reasons which have been developed for showing the employer that he is gaining by the expenditure for such features in his plant. With the passing years of industrial experience, it is possible that this attitude will gradually become an accepted basis of conduct in the management of the industries generally, but for the present and probably for quite a time to come, it will be essential to urge and to appeal continuously to the average employer and even to resort to the force of legislative enactments in some cases, as has been done recently in the matter of industrial lighting in such states as Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Ohio, New York and Wisconsin, where codes of lighting for governing the industrial plants in these states have been adopted.

But this leaves unanswered the question concerning how well we are prepared with appliances and principles to handle this whole problem of environment, where all other conditions are favorable to the adoption of high standards in this respect. If we take lighting, as before, as a typical subdivision of the problem, by way of illustration, then we find that the manufacturers of lighting appliances are alive to the needs of the industrial field and that the equipment now on the market is well able, when properly applied, to furnish excellent illumination to the working surfaces in the various kinds of establishment throughout the country at a moderate cost.

In much the same manner, the construction of factory buildings has gone through a marked development in recent years, and we find the modern structure with a far larger proportion of its side walls and often of its roof areas devoted to window space than in older similar buildings. Thus, the ideas of better lighted buildings have been recognized and acted upon by the construction firms concerned with factory building design and also by the window sash manufacturers, who have developed, and made available on the market, lines of sash, steel for the most part, which can be utilized in the walls of factory buildings for a cost initially which is no greater than the equivalent wall space itself.

Moreover, it can readily be seen that better daylight facilities, through the medium of larger windows, mean also better hygienic conditions, better health and an improved physical tone for those occupying the building. Employers, furthermore, have, in some cases, favored the use of clear window glass for the lower parts of window sash in the large windows, even where the majority of the glass in such windows is translucent and not transparent, so that the employees are able to look out of the windows from their working positions, and are thus not entirely cut off from the outside world as is the case where all window spaces are equipped with the cloudy and non-transparent types of factory glass. Such conditions tend to better influences for the eyesight, to improved health and to a better and more contented working force, and hence deserve the most careful attention by those upon whom the responsibility rests for the plans for all such new structures.

The whole problem of industrial environment is thus one not only of many component parts and one which touches the industrial worker in a variety of ways, but one which concerns the employer and the manager to almost, if not an equal extent. It is the hope that the foregoing notes have given the general idea, at least, that those factors of environment which were considered of sufficient importance to receive very careful attention during the war as a part of the war program, are also of very deep and real consequence to the industrial welfare of the country as a whole now, and that they also will be during the immediate future. To realize all the advantages of which a high standard of industrial environment is capable, means, of course, much further work of education among the industrial owners and managers, the country over; but from the experience of the past few years the future looks bright, and it is to be hoped that developments in this field will be both rapid and continuous with the passing years, to the credit of the management of the industries through the country and for the benefit of that vast army of the employed which constitute their working forces.

LIBERTY LOANS OF THE REVOLUTION

BY JOHN BACH MCMASTER

Professor of American History

In the month of September, 1774, the conduct of the Mother country having become unendurable, five and forty delegates from eleven colonies met in Carpenter's Hall in this city. They were to consult on the unhappy state of the colonies and adopt a plan for redress of grievances too long borne by an oppressed people. Thus instructed they drew up an address to the people of Great Britain, a letter to the inhabitants of Quebec, the association of 1774, a petition to the king, and before adjourning recommended the colonies to choose new delegates to another congress to meet in Philadelphia on May 10, 1775.

When that day came the appeal to arms had been made. Concord and Lexington had been fought, the British were beseiged in Boston, and on this little body of delegates was thrust the duty of beginning the conduct of what proved to be a seven years' war.

One of the earliest acts of the Congress, therefore, was a resolution to put the colonies in a state of defense. This meant the expenditure of money, and on June 3rd a committee of five was appointed to bring in an estimate of the money necessary to be raised. The committee reported on the 7th, and on the 9th Congress resolved that it would "tomorrow take into consideration the ways and means" of raising money. Thenceforth, day after day, sitting in committee of the whole, it continued to deliberate on this matter until June 22nd when it reached a decision. To raise the needed money by taxation was impossible, for the Congress had no authority to levy taxes. To borrow was impossible, for Congress had neither assets nor credit; to appeal to the colonies was useless for they probably would not respond. Nothing was left but to manufacture it and the Congress proceeded to do so by resolving, "that a sum

not exceeding two millions of Spanish milled dollars be emitted by the Congress in Bills of Credit for the defense of America."

"Resolved, That the twelve confederated colonies be pledged for the redemption of the Bills of Credit now directed to be emitted." On the following day it was ordered that the bills should be in denominations of one, two, three, four, five, six, seven and eight dollars, that over and above this issue there should be another of one million dollars in bills of twenty dollars denomination, and that they should read:

No.

"Continental Money

This bill entitles the bearer to receive...

Dollar

Spanish milled dollars or the value thereof, in gold or silver according to the resolution of Congress held at Philadelphia, on the 10th day of May, A. D. 1775." When or where the bearer was to receive his Spanish milled dollars or their value in gold or silver Congress was careful not to state.

Having decided on the amount, denominations and form of the bills, Congress appointed a committee of five to secure engraved plates, a proper kind of paper, and arrange for the printing.

Long before the engraving and printing were finished and the bills ready for signing Congress was forced to make a further issue of one million dollars in denominations of thirty dollars each. The four millions of dollars thus authorized to be issued were represented by 437,133 bills or pieces of paper money each to be signed by two men. That the numbering and signing so great an issue would seriously interfere with the duties of the members of Congress, if assigned to them, was evident; so a committee of twenty-eight citizens of Philadelphia was appointed to do this work, a signer to receive one and one-third dollars for each thousand bills to which he affixed his name.

To redeem the bills was out of the power of Congress. For this purpose, therefore, they were distributed among the colonies on the basis of population, men, women and children, white, black and mulattoes. Nobody knew the population of each or

any colony. It was therefore guessed, and to Virginia, the most populous, was assigned $496,278, and to Delaware, the least populous, $37,219.50 in the Bills of Credit. Each colony was to sink its quota by special taxes payable in the Continental money, one-quarter of its share on or before November 1, 1779; another by November 1, 1780; the third quarter by November 1, 1781, and the last by November 1, 1782. As the bills were paid in they were to be sent to a specially appointed provincial treasurer who must cross each bill, cut in it a circular hole an inch in diameter, and from time to time send such mutilated bills to the Continental treasurers. They, in the presence of a committee of five members of Congress, were then to examine, count and burn the redeemed money.

David Rittenhouse having made the cuts, and suitable paper having been manufactured, the gentlemen appointed to number and sign the bills were requested to act "with all possible expedition to complete the business." They were probably a trifle slow, for ten days later Mr. Robert Morris was sent to them with the request that they act "with all possible expedition to finish the numbering and signing said bills as the money is much wanted."

No sooner were the bills in the hands of the people than certain merchants and tradesmen refused to take them. Complaint was at once made to the Philadelphia Committee of Information and Observation, which at once informed Congress which promptly appointed Jay, Franklin, Samuel Adams, Johnson, Wythe, Rutledge and Jefferson a committee to examine and report.

How true it was that money was "much wanted" was shown by a resolution of November 29th, providing for a further issue of $3,000,000 in Bills of Credit in denominations of one, two, three, four, five, six, seven and eight dollars, to be numbered "in ink of a different color from the last emitted bills," and printed from the old plates. This, like its predecessors, was apportioned among the states by a resolution of December 26th, which reads: "Whereas an estimate hath lately been formed of the public expense already arisen and which may